Saturnia lahing, 82 eKr
Saturnia lahing (82 eKr) oli Sulla vägedele väike võit Carbo armee eraldatud osa üle kampaania ajal Clusiumi ümbruses (Sulla teine kodusõda).
Aasta alguses 82 eKr olid selle aasta kaks konsulit lahku läinud, Gnaeus Papirius Carbo suundus põhja poole, et tegeleda Metellus Pius ja Marius nooremaga, et minna lõunasse, et Sulla blokeerida. Marius sai Sacriportuses lüüasaamise ja teda piirati Praenestes. See sundis Carbot loobuma oma kampaaniast põhjas ja liikuma tagasi Rooma poole, kuid Sulla suutis linna jõuda enne teda. Seejärel kolis kampaania Clusiumi lähistele, umbes 80 miili Rooma põhja poole. Carbo peamine armee oli Clusiumis, Glanise jõe ääres. Tema leitnant Carinnasel oli teine vägi 40 miili kaugusel Spoletiumi ida pool. Lõpuks asus vägede salk kuurortlinnas Saturnias, 35 miili kaugusel Clusiumist edelas.
Appian teatab kolmest lahingust kiiresti. Esmalt alistas Sulla ratsasalga Glanise jõel. Järgmisena sai Sulla Saturnia lähedal oma vaenlastest veel ühe salga üle. Lõpuks pidas ta Clusiumis päevase lahingu Carboga, kuid see lõppes ebaselgelt.
See oleks olnud Sulla jaoks üsna ebatavaline marsruut - Roomast põhja poole Glanisesse, seejärel läände/ edelasse üle raske maastiku ja lõpuks loodesse üle Clusiumi sarnase maastiku. Tõenäolisem ettepanek on see, et Sulla ise liikus edasi Clusiumi poole Tiberi ja Glanise või Via Cassia kaudu, samal ajal kui teine vägi saadeti üles Via Clodia kaudu, mis viis Roomast Saturniasse.
Suur osa sõjast peeti Põhja -Itaalias. Luciaanid, samniidid ja gallid võitlesid mariaanlaste kõrval. Pärast gallide lüüasaamist Sulla vägedele ja osa tema vägede lüüasaamist Metelluse (üks Sulla leitnant) poolt Placentia (Piacenza) lähedal põgenes mariaanide juht Carbo Aafrikasse. Tema leitnandid Gaius Carrinas, Gaius Marcius Censorinus ja Damasippus üritasid tungida läbi söödu, mida Sulla mehed koos kõigi jõududega ja samniitidega kontrollisid. See ebaõnnestus ja nad marssisid Rooma poole.
Kui Sulla sai teada, et samniidid liiguvad Roomas, saatis ta oma ratsaväed neid takistama, samal ajal kui ta ise oma armee pealinna marssis. Samniidi armee saabus esimesena, koidikul, põhjustades linnas palju hämmingut. Pärast esimest šokki kandsid roomlased välja ratsaväed, et ründajaid edasi lükata. Roomlaste õnnetuseks saatis lahingust paadunud samniit kergesti ratsaväe rünnaku, tappes paljud neist. Kuid viivitus võimaldas Sulla poolt ette saadetud ratsaväesalgul hinge tõmmata, organiseerida ja hakata vaenlast kiusama. Sulla ratsaväe saabumine tõestas nii roomlastele kui samniitidele, et Sulla on teel. Telesinus otsustas Sulla saabumist oodata ja saatis oma armee Colline'i väravast veidi eemale. Sulla peaarmee saabus keskpäeval ja asus laagrisse Venus Erucina templi lähedale, väljaspool Rooma müüre, mitte kaugele Colline'i väravast. 
Kui Mithridates sai lüüa ja Cinna oli nüüd mässus surnud, otsustas Sulla Rooma kontrolli tagasi saada. Aastal 83 eKr maandus ta kolme veteranleegioniga vaidlusteta Brundisiumis. Niipea, kui ta oli oma sammud Itaaliasse seadnud, kogunesid tema lipu äärde keelustatud aadlikud ja vanad Sullani toetajad, kes olid üle elanud Mariani režiimi. Kõige silmapaistvam oli Quintus Caecilius Metellus Pius, kes oli kogunud Aafrikas leegione ja koos Hispaanias vägesid kogunud Marcus Licinius Crassusega ühines Sullaga peagi pärast tema maandumist Itaalias. Konsulaar Lucius Marcius Philippus ühines samuti Sullaga ja juhtis vägesid, mis kindlustasid Sardiinia Sullani jaoks. Siin tuleb ka noor Gnaeus Pompeius esmakordselt rambivalgusesse, Pompeius Strabo poeg, ta kasvatas Picenumis kolm leegioni ja, alistades ja edestades maria vägesid, suundus Sulla poole. Nende tugevdustega suurenes Sulla armee umbes 50 000 meheni ja ta alustas oma ustavate leegionidega oma teist marssi Rooma.
Et kontrollida oma vaenlaste vastupandamatut edasiminekut, saatis Carbo oma äsja valitud nukukonsulid Gaius Norbanuse ja Cornelius Scipio Asiaticuse, mõlemad koos sõjavägedega Sulla vastu. Soovides mitte ilmuda sõjahimulise sissetungijana, saatis Sulla Norbanusesse saadikuid pakkuma läbirääkimisi, kuid need lükati tagasi. Seejärel asus Norbanus takistama Sulla edasipääsu Canusiumis ja sai esimesena ta Tifata mäe lahingusse kaasatud. Siin tegi Sulla mariaanidele purustava lüüasaamise, kus Norbanus kaotas Sulla seitsmekümnele kuus tuhat oma meest. Löödud Norbanus taandus koos oma armee jäänustega Capuasse ja Sulla peatati tema tagaajamisel teisel konsulil Scipio. Kuid Scipio mehed ei tahtnud võidelda ja kui Sulla lähenes, lahkusid nad massiliselt tema juurde, suurendades veelgi tema auastmeid. Konsul ja tema poeg leiti telkides ahmimas ja toodi Sulla juurde, kes vabastas nad pärast lubaduse saamist, et nad ei võitle enam kunagi tema vastu ega liitu uuesti Carboga. Kuid kohe pärast vabastamist rikkus Scipio oma lubaduse ja läks otse Rooma Carbosse. Seejärel võitis Sulla Norbanust teist korda, kes samuti põgenes tagasi Rooma ning lasi Metellus Piusel ja kõigil teistel Sullaga marssivatel riigivaenlastel marssida.
Uued konsulid aastal 82 eKr olid Carbo, tema kolmas ametiaeg, ja Gaius Marius noorem, kes oli tol ajal vaid kahekümne kahe aastane. Talve pakutud kampaaniatööst loobudes asusid mariaanid oma vägesid täiendama. Quintus Sertorius kehtestas Etrurias mehi, vanad Mariuse veteranid tulid pensionile, et võidelda tema poja all ja samniidid kogusid oma sõdalased Carbo toetuseks, lootes hävitada mees, kes nad sotsiaalsõjas alistas, Sulla.
Värske kampaaniahooaja avanedes sõitis Sulla mööda Via Latinat pealinna poole ja Metellus viis Sulani väed Ülem -Itaaliasse. Carbo heitis end Metelluse vastu, samal ajal kui noor Marius kaitses Rooma linna. Marius kolis Sulla edasipääsu blokeerima Signiasse, kukkudes tagasi Praeneste kindluslinna, mille ees ta lahinguks valmistus. Võitlus oli pikk ja raske, kuid lõpuks võitis päeva veteran Sullans. Kuna tema jooned kängusid ja väed jõudsid massiliselt Sulla poole, otsustas Marius põgeneda. Tema ja paljud tema mehed otsisid varjupaika Praenestest, kuid hirmunud linnaelanikud sulgesid väravad, Marius ise tuli köie peale tõsta, samal ajal kui sajad müürid ja sullanid vahele jäänud mariaanid tapeti. Seejärel jättis Sulla oma leitnant Lucretius Ofella Praeneste piirama ja liikus nüüd kaitsmata Roomale.
Pärast lüüasaamist saatis Marius Roomas sõna praetorile Brutus Damasippusele, et tappa allesjäänud sullanlaste poolehoidjad, kes on jäänud enne, kui Sulla linna saab võtta. Damasippus kutsus kokku senati koosoleku ja seal, kuurias endas, lõikasid märgitud mehed palgamõrvarid maha. Mõned, näiteks Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus, tapeti senati trepil põgenemisel ning Rooma ülempreester Pontifex Maximus, Quintus Mucius Scaevola mõrvati Vesta templis ja mõrvatute surnukehad visati seejärel Tiber.
Kui Sulla oma vägedega linna ümbritses, avasid inimesed väravad ja ta sisenes vastupanuta, vallutades Rooma võitluseta, ülejäänud mariaanlased olid põgenenud. Linn oli tema oma, kuid Sulla ei veetnud kaua Roomas, enne kui ta taas oma armeega teele asus. Umbes samal ajal, kui Sulla Mariust alistas, seisis Metellus silmitsi armeega, mida juhtis Carbo kindral Gaius Carrinas ja mille ta juhtis, ning Carbo oma kõrgema väega, kuulnud Praeneste lüüasaamisest Arminiumisse. Seejärel saavutas Sulla Saturnial järjekordse võidu, millele järgnes Clusiumis Carbo lüüasaamine. Olles vallutanud ja rüüstanud Sena linna, tapsid Pompeius ja Crassus Spoletiumis 3000 mariaanlast, enne kui nad varitsesid ja hävitasid Carbo poolt Mariuse vabastamiseks Praenestees saadetud väe. Samal ajal kiirustasid samniit Pontius Telesinus ja lusiaanlane Marcus Lamponius koos 70 000 mehega, et ka Praeneste piiramisrõngas katkestada. See jõud Sulla tõrjus möödasõidul ja muutis nende marsruudi võimatuks, samuti blokeeris ta Damasippuse kahe leegioniga katse Mariusse jõuda. Metellus alistas seejärel Favential Norbanuse juhitud armee ja Marcus Terentius Varro Lucullus võitis Placential Carbo meeste üle võidu. Carbo oli kogu sõja vältel kannatanud peale kaotuste ja tagasilöökide ning nüüd kaotas ta südame. Kuigi tal oli veel sõjavägesid, otsustas ta sündmuskohalt põgeneda. Koos oma personali ja mõne mehega põgenes Carbo Sitsiiliasse, püüdes seal vastupanu osutada. Kui nende juht lahkus, ühinesid ülejäänud Marian väed üheks viimaseks seisukohaks. Damasippus ja Carrinas ühinesid oma meestega samniitide ja lukaanidega ning marssisid Rooma poole. Rooma piiril toimus kodusõja viimane otsustav lahing, Colline Gate'i lahing, lõpuks tuli Sulla võitjana välja, jättes lahinguväljale 50 000 surnut. Carrinas ja Lamponius toodi järgmisel päeval Sulla juurde ja hukati.
Hiljem sisenes Sulla linna võidukindralina. Bellona templis kutsuti kokku senati koosolek, kui Sulla pöördus senaatorite poole, Campus Martiusest kandus kohale hirmunud karje. Sulla rahustas senaatoreid, omistades karjed „mõnele kurjategijale, kes saavad parandust”. Tegelikkuses kuulis senat Sulla käsul 8000 vangi, kes olid eelmisel päeval alistunud, hukati. Varsti pärast seda kuulutas Sulla end diktaatoriks ja omas nüüd Rooma üle kõrgeimat võimu.
Kui näljased Praeneste inimesed meeleheitele langesid ja Ofellale alla andsid, peitis Marius linna alla tunnelitesse ja üritas nende kaudu põgeneda, kuid ebaõnnestus ja sooritas enesetapu. Praeneste elanikud tapsid siis enamasti Ofella. Peagi avastas ja vahistas Carbo Pompeius, kelle Sulla oli saatnud mehele jälile. Pompeius lasi nutva mehe ahelates enda ette tuua ja hukkas ta Lilybaeumis avalikult, seejärel saadeti tema pea Sullale ja näidati koos Mariuse ja paljude teistega foorumis.
TÄISPÄEVALINE REIS ROOMAST 14 -tunnine Saturnia vann ja kaks keskaegset küla: Montemerano ja Pitigliano
Saturnia on osa Manciano linnast, Maremma mägedel, mis ulatuvad üle Grosseto provintsi. 2 tundi ja 15 minutit Roomas. Iidne etruskide linn, oma keskaegsete müüride ja vana Rooma tee jäänustega, on Saturnia tuntud oma Rooma aegadest pärit kuumaveeallikate poolest, mis töötavad tänaseni. Väävelvett temperatuuril 37,5 kraadi Celsiuse järgi (98 ° Fahrenheiti) on tuntud terapeutilised omadused, mis on tõhusad nahale, hingamissüsteemile ja luu- ja lihaskonnale. Väävelvett purskab maapinnast välja kiirusega 800 liitrit sekundis, mis tagab vee puhtuse. Seda peetakse üheks parimaks termiliseks vanniks maailmas ning see ühendab luksuse tervise, lõõgastuse ja naudinguga, seda ka tänu maastikule, mida Saturnia org oma külastajatele pakub. Saturnia on turistide seas kuulus eelkõige looduslike kukkumiste poolest, mis asuvad umbes 1 km kaugusel termidest. Aastaringselt, isegi talvel, kui kuu on täis, on juurdepääs kuumale basseinile tasuta. Silmatorkav kogemus, eriti kui sellele järgneb hea õhtusöök kohalikes restoranides, näiteks Montemerano ja Pitigliano, kus võib leida palju meeldivaid kohti. Legend räägib, et Saturnia künka otsas asuvad termilised allikad mullivad üles täpselt selles kohas, kus Jupiteri äike Maale lahingus Saturniga kukkus, mis on nende looduslike vannide vastu sajandite jooksul palju uudishimu äratanud. Legendil pole tänapäeva külastajatele siiski suurt tähtsust ja selle asemel pööravad nad rohkem tähelepanu allikate suplemise uskumatutele rahustavatele mõjudele, rääkimata tervendavatest omadustest, mis mõnede sõnul on neil lihaste, liigeste, südame -veresoonkonna ja hingamisteede probleemide osas. Saturnia on tõeliselt ideaalne koht lõõgastumiseks ja leotamiseks ning pärast lühikest suplust on vulkaanilised veed teinud imesid teie keha ja hinge jaoks, ka teie laste vaba aja veetmiseks.
MONTEMERANO : Montemerano on väike osa Manciano vallast ja seda peetakse üheks parimaks müüritud küla näiteks Itaalias. Isegi tänapäeval on tegelikult ümbritsetud selle iidsed linnamüürid, mis annab sellele antiikmööda nii vastupandamatu välimuse, nagu oleks see üks Toscana Maremma tüüpilistest küladest. See paistab kohe silma oma ajaloolisele keskusele, täielikult kivisse ja mineviku kaine elegantsiga, mis kerkib esile paljudest tänavatest ja väljakutest, mis moodustavad selle vanima tuuma, mis isegi kui väike, on suurepärase iluga. Montemerano vostruito kolmeteistkümnendal sajandil Aldobrandeschi perekonna käsul, kellel oli kavatsus muuta see linnalinnuseks igas mõttes: eesmärk, mis ilmneb selgelt mitte ainult müüride olemasolust, vaid ka positsioonist, milles see asub asub. Tegelikult seisab Montemerano mäe otsas, kust oli lihtsam saabuvaid vaenlasi märgata. See on lisatud Itaalia kaunimate külade ringkonda ja seal on säilinud väga huvipakkuvad monumendid, nagu San Giorgio ja San Lorenzo kirik, mis on mõlemad suurepärased näited püha arhitektuurist.
PITIGLIANO: Pole üllatav, et Pitigliano on kuulunud Itaalia kaunimate külade hulka. Pitiglianot ümbritsev piirkond on tüüpiline Maremmale ja territoorium ulatub piirist Lazio piirkonnaga kuni tüüpilise tuffiala Volsini mäestikuni. Tegelikult piirneb linn põhjas Sorano vallaga, kagus Lazio piirkonnaga ja eriti Farnese, Ischia di Castro, Latera ja Valentano valdadega, läänes aga Manciano linn. Kõrgus s.l.m. Pitigliano ulatub 300 meetrist rohkem kui 600 meetrini, mis on seotud Lazio idapiiril asuva Poggio Evangelista piirkonnaga. Pitigliano asub piki maanteed 74, seega asub see poolel teel Türreeni piirkonna ja Kesk -Itaalia ühendussüsteemide vahel. Mis puudutab Pitigliano ajalugu, siis kõigepealt mainiti etruske, kes tuffikarjäärides siia oma maja ehitasid ja kes viibisid kohapeal hilispronksiajast ehk 12. – 11. Etruskide kohalolek oli ka praeguses andmekeskuses: täpselt räägime Capisotto nime all tuntud linnaosa müürijäänustest. Ametiametis esineb Pitigliano aga esimest korda pullis, mille paavst Nikolai II saatis Sovana katedraali juhatajale aastal 1061. Orsini perekond valitses Pitigliano maakonda mitu sajandit, kaitstes seda Siena, Orvieto ja Medici Firenze. Tegelikult pidi Nikolai IV Orsini alles 1574. aastal mõne võla tõttu Pitigliano loovutama Medici Firenzele, nii et sellest sai Toscana suurvürstiriigi osa. Pitigliano läks 1737. aastal Lotringi ja alustas selle väsitavat taastumisfaasi. Pitigliano majandus on peamiselt seotud veiniga, mille toodang on suur ja mis meelitab igal aastal palju külastajaid. Tegelikult on vein ja oliiviõli Toscana piirkonna ja eriti Pitigliano kaks par excellence toodet. Kaalutööstuse, siin peamiselt fossiilsete jahu, pimsskivi ja tuffi, arendamine on kaalutlusõigus. Sündmuste kõige rahvarohkem kuu on kahtlemata september, sest see on seotud veiniga. Sedapuhku veinipidu, mille ajal pidutsevad traditsioonilised veinitehased ja saate degusteerida, aga ka einestada, sukeldudes selle iseloomuliku keskkonna atmosfääri, kus tuf on peremees, ümbritsetuna paigale omasest muusikast. Kohaliku gastronoomia tüüpilistest roogadest paistavad silma leivaküpsised, mis on valmistatud Toscana leiva ja metssealihaga, samuti munad, parmesani juust, oliiviõli ja piim ning näputäis pipart. Kana on tavaliselt ka Pitiglianos lokkis ja see tuleks valmistada vastavalt klassikalisele retseptile küüslaugu, rosmariini, pipra, soola, sidruni, äädika, valge veini, ekstra neitsioliiviõli ja loomulikult tšilliga. Pitigliano magustoitude seast leiame Sfratti, juudi päritolu maiustused, mis on valmistatud jahu, muskaatpähkli, munade, suhkru, valge veini, mee, kreeka pähklite, apelsinikoore ja rangelt selle koha tüüpilise ekstra neitsioliiviõliga. Jällegi ärge unustage maitsta niinimetatud "Tortello dolce", mida saate valmistada praadides või küpsetada ahjus, täidetud ricotta ja kaneeliga ning maitsestatud Alchermesi likööriga. Kurioosumite hulgas pidage meeles, et praeguse Pitigliano all asub maa -alune linn, mille õõnsused ulatuvad kuni 100 meetrini. Siit leiate linnale iseloomulikke keldreid, mida turistid nii väga armastavad, kus säilitatakse olulisi veine.
ERIPAKKUMISED: 500 eurot Kuni 7 või 8 inimest KESTVUS 12 tundi
7.00 väljumine Roomast saabumine Gorello juga Saturnia juga umbes kell 9.30 koos hommikusöögiga.
peatu terveks hommikuks kukkumiste juurde ja saad ujuda. sissepääs on tasuta
kell 01.00 liigume edasi Montemerano keskaegsesse külla, mis asub Saturniast 20 minuti kaugusel lõunaks mõnusas Toscana köögi restoranis ning veini degusteerimises ja ekskursioonis külas
kell 15 jätkame külaekskursiooniks väga tüüpilist ja sugestiivset keskaegset küla Pitiglianosse
kell 18.00 väljasõit Rooma Hoiatused: lõunasöök ei sisaldu hinnas. ujumistrikood ja rannarätikud tuleb teil kaasa võtta, kui teil seda pole, hoolitseme nende eest
Kuidas oma visiidiks valmistuda
Kui kavatsete need kuumaveeallikad oma teekonda lisada, peate teadma mõnda asja:
& rArr Avalikke riietusruume pole, seega võiksite seda teha tulge ujumisriietesse riietatuna. Enamik inimesi tuleb suurte rätikutega ette valmistama, et pärast soojas vees lebotamist oleks lihtsam riideid vahetada.
& rArr Parkimine on tasuta, kuid piiratud. Praktiliselt jugade kõrval on üks krunt, kuigi õnneks pole see termaalvete nautimisel silmatorkav. Suurel põllul ei ole liiga kaugel teine parkla, see on lühikese jalutuskäigu kaugusel ja hästi näidatud. Kõrghooajal võib koha leidmine olla tõesti raske ja parkimispiletit on lihtne hankida. Nii et pöörake tähelepanu sellele, kuhu pargite!
& rArr Piirkond on praktiliselt järelevalveta igasuguste asutuste poolt, mis tähendab elupäästjaid pole. Kohapeal on aga baar, kus on piiratud vannitoa kasutamine ja tüüpilised baaritoidud. Igaüks vastutab oma koristamise eest ise.
& rArr Kukkumiste ja basseinide ümbrus on ümbritsetud kruus ja liiv on kaitsmata jalgadel väga kõva. Minu soovitus oleks saabuda vesijalatsitega või vähemalt plätude või tossudega, kui te ei viitsi märjaks saada.
& rArr Tooge a rätik ja päevitav kreem. Ärge laske end eksitada, kui arvate, et vesi kaitseb teid päikese üleannustamise eest. Piirkonnas on väga vähe varju ja suvekuudel on rubiinpunane kerge saada.
& rArr Tule valmis oma joogid ja suupisted, kohapealne baar pakub mõningaid põhitõdesid, kuid see ei ole Toscana maitsva köögi parim kujutis.
& rArr Kuigi paljud kohad ütlevad teile, et need veed on hästi hoitud saladus, pole need seda tegelikult! Paljud inimesed tulevad veed nautima - nii et nad on väga hõivatud. On lõbus leida bassein, kus saate seista allikast allavoolavate ravivete all, kuid kui otsite veidi rohkem privaatsust, võite järgida vett ja lahkuda peamistest basseinidest vaiksemate piirkondade jaoks.
Mida on vaja teada Saturni kohta
Maremma Manciano vallas märkate, et mäe otsas asub väike linnake, kust avaneb vaade maailmakuulsatele termilistele allikatele, mida tuntakse Saturnia nime all. Linn meenutab etruski hõngu ja seda võib leida Rooma tee Clodia ääres, mis asub keset Cassia ja Aurelia teed.
Selle koha kujunemise viis on tõesti iidne, nagu tõestas suurepärane Porta Romana, Roman Gates, mis pärineb 2. sajandist eKr, mis asub keskaegsete müüride sees, mille on ehitanud Aldobrandeschi perekond. See oli Siena valduses kuni 16. sajandini, kuna see loodi Toscana suurvürstiriigi koosseisus.
Mis teeb Saturnia atraktiivseks sihtkohaks, on selle kuulsad termilised allikad. Need termid on valmistatud mitmest allikast, mis ulatuvad Amiata mäest Albenga ja Fiora mägedesse ning jõuavad Roselle ja Talamone'i. Teine põhjus uskuda selle hiilgavat minevikku on Bagno Santo, Püha vann, kus seda tuntakse kui antidiluvian pühapaika, mis asub keskusest paar kilomeetrit eemal. Saturnia keskaegset Santa Maria Maddalena kirikut tuleb kindlasti külastada, kuna see on kaasakiskuvate kunstiteostega. Samuti peaksite tutvuma arheoloogiamuuseumiga ja Aldobrandeschi kindlusega, kuid viimane pole avalikkusele avatud.
Saturnias on soojad väävliveed, mis on roomlastele ja etruskidele hästi teada. Nendes vetes on temperatuur 37,5 ° C ja see võib pakkuda teile lõõgastavaid ja ravivaid omadusi. Legendi kohaselt loodi allikad seetõttu, et see on koht, kus Jupiteri äike langes tema lahingus Saturni vastu.
Lisaks Saturnia luksuslikele tervise- ja spaakeskustele on teil ka 2 välist juga, mida peaksite vaatama: Cascate del Gorello ja Cascate del Mulino. Kui teile meeldib külastada Toscana kõige kuulsamaid looduslikke allikaid, siis on see koht Cascate del Mulino. Kosk ise on lõõgastav ja peale selle on sellel mitmeid looduslikke sooja termaalvee basseine, mis kindlasti lisavad kogemusi. See koht on avalikkusele avatud aastaringselt ja parim osa on see, et see on tasuta! Ainus, mille pärast pead muretsema, on parkimine. Tipphooajal on teil raske parkimiskohta leida ja kui parkite ebaseaduslikult, võib teil olla lihtne parkimispilet hankida, kuna politsei patrullib seal alati. Seega, enne lõõgastumist veenduge, et pargite esmalt õige tee.
Niisiis, kui olete Maremmas, ärge unustage Saturniat ja selle termilisi allikaid külastama. See koht on tõesti pärl, sest seal sulab ajalugu ja metsik loodus suurepäraselt kokku, muutes Toscana ideaalseks puhkusekohaks alati, kui külastate Itaaliat!
Mäed, viis tippu ja mahajäetud küla PentedattiloVaade Pentedattilole. Foto: Gunold/Dreamstime
Mitte kaugel Reggio Calabriast, sügavale kaunisse Aspromonte rahvuspark ja piirkonna griko keelt kõneleva piirkonna südames (Griko on murre, kreeklaste vana kohaloleku jääk siin) leiavad uudishimulikud reisijad riigi ühe kuulsama kummituslinna, Pentedattilo.
Põhjast lõunasse on Itaalia kummituslinnu palju, mis on tingitud majanduslikest vajadustest ja territoriaalsetest ohtudest: Bussana Vecchia, Liguurias ja Apice Vecchia, Campanias, loobuti maavärina tõttu Craco, Basilicatas, maalihke tõttu ja Savogno, langes Lombardias oma inimeste vajaduse tõttu leida tööd lähedal asuvates linnades.
Ja siis on olemas Pentedattilo. Lihtsalt teine nimi selles pikas kohtade loendis, mille inimesed, aeg ja ajalugu on unustanud. Aga kas see on tõesti nii? Tegelikult ei pruugi Pentedattilo, nagu paljud Itaalia kummituslinnad, enam paljudele koduks olla, kuid on viimastel aastakümnetel nautinud taaselustamist. Vaatame, kuidas ja miks.
Pentedattilo on väike küla alevikus Melito Porto Salvo, ehitatud täielikult Monte Calvario kaljule, umbes 250 meetrit üle merepinna. Monte Calvario on väga omapärase kujuga, mis andis Pentedattilole oma nime: selle tipud näevad välja nagu viis taevasse sirutatud sõrme, seega asula algne kreeka nimi, pènta-daktylos, mis tähendab just seda, “viis sõrme”. Oma hiilgeaegadel oli tal isegi loss, millest tänapäeval on ümberringi alles vaid mõned varemed, vana küla arenes välja sellisel kujul ja kujul, nagu see on siiani.
Pentedattilo on täna mahajäetud linn. Foto: Marcobarone/Dreamstime
Nagu nimigi ütleb, hõivasid Pentedattilo esmakordselt kreeklased aastal 640 eKr: see oli elav ja jõukas keskus ning sellel oli ka oluline sõjaline roll, mida hoiti kogu Kreeka-Rooma perioodil. Pärast Lääne -Rooma keisririigi allakäiku valitsesid seda piirkonda Bütsants ja alustas pikka dekadentsi, mida iseloomustas vaesus ja sagedased saratseenide sissetungid. 12. sajandil vallutasid normannid Pentedattilo ja andsid selle üle mitmele aadliperele: siiski nimetasid just kaks perekonda oma nime küla nimega. Alberti perekond ja Abenavoli perekond. Nad on kurva ja traagilise sündmuse keskmes Alberti veresaun, mis toimus 1686. aastal ja see pidi kujundama küla ajalugu.
Alberti, Pentedattilo markii, olid Abenavoli linnas valitsejad ja nende kahe perekonna suhted polnud kunagi head olnud. Tundus, et asjad muutusid siiski paremaks, millal Bernardino Abenavoli palus abielluda Antonietta, markii tütar. See polnud haruldane samm: me kõik teame, et minevikus lahendati paljud perekondlikud vaidlused kombineeritud abielude kaudu. Tüüpilise keerdkäiguga otsustas Antonietta vend, kes ei suutnud oma ärile tähelepanu pöörata ja lasi isal showd juhtida, anda oma õe käe Don Petrillo Cortezile, Napoli asekuninga pojale. Nagu võite arvata, ei avaldanud Bernardino muljet ja nii tungis ta 16. aprilli 1686. aasta õhtul Pentedattilo Alberti lossi ja tappis kõik, sealhulgas üheksa -aastase Simone Alberti. Ta päästis vaid Antonietta ja Petrillo Cortezi , veendumaks, et asevalitseja ei kavatse kätte maksta. Kuid Cortez, nagu iga hea sõjaväelane ja nende aegade valitseja teeks, valis mõõga ja saatis oma armee Pentedattilosse. Osa vandenõulasi tabati ja tapeti, kuid Bernardinol õnnestus põgeneda koos Antoniettaga, kellega ta esmalt abiellus ja seejärel kloostris hülgas. Legendid räägivad, et lõpuks läks Bernardino Austria armeesse ja suri lahingus.
Kuigi Alberti perekonna veresaun on ajalooliselt tõeline, õitses selle ümber suur hulk legende. Näiteks öeldakse, et Monte Calvario viis sõrmejälge tippu langevad ühel päeval küla peale, et karistada oma inimesi Bernardino verejanu eest, teine aga ütleb, et tipud sümboliseerivad Bernardino Abenavoli enda verist kätt ja sellepärast kohalikud nimetage mäge "kuradi käeks".
Nagu igas endast lugupidavas kummitusloos juhtub, vannuvad mõned, et kuulevad Alberti hüüdeid, mis kuuldavad veel öösel, kui on väga tuuline, kuradi käe viie kivise sõrme vahel.
Tänav Pentedattilo linnas. Foto: Sabine Katzenberger/Dreamstime
Pentedattilo ajalugu näib õudselt vihjavat, et Abenavoli tõepoolest tõmbas külale kurja ja negatiivsust, sest vähem kui 100 aastat hiljem sai seda maavärin tõsiselt kahjustada: lõpu algus. Selle inimesed tundsid, et Pentedattilo pole enam ohutu ja otsisid kaitset - ja paremaid töökohti - lähedal asuvas Melito Porto Salvos. Selle tõttu kaotas Pentedattilo 1811. aastal oma valla staatuse ja sellest sai suurema küla alevik.
Pentedattilo oli jätkuvalt kõrge seismilise riskiga ja tulvas sageli üle: see on põhjus, miks 1968. aastal, peaaegu kolm sajandit pärast hämarust ja ebaõnne toonud veresauna, kuulutati see elamiskõlbmatuks ja loobuti 1971. aastal.
Elu hakkas Pentedattilos taas naeratama 1980ndad, kui mitmed ühingud liikmetega üle kogu maailma otsustasid selle ümber arendada. Nii naasid kohalikud käsitöölised ja kunstnikud oma mahajäetud kivikodudesse, parandasid need ja avasid ateljeed ja kauplused. Pärast seda on avatud ka kohaliku pärandi ja toodetud muuseumid, sealhulgas Populaarsete traditsioonide muuseum, ja Casa del Bergamotto, mis on pühendatud piirkonna iidsele bergamoti kasvatamisele.
Veelgi enam: igal suvel korraldab Pentedattilo ka kahte olulist kunstifestivali Paleariza, rändüritus, mille eesmärk oli elus hoida piirkonnas räägitud kreeka murde pärandit ja Pentedattilo filmifestival, pühendatud tärkavatele lühifilmide režissööridele.
Kuigi Pentedattilo linnas elamine pole enam valik, hoitakse selle ajalugu ja pärandit elus ning neid saavad päevast päeva nautida kõik külastajad, kes soovivad neist rohkem teada saada.
Non lontano da Reggio Calabria, prof profo del bellissimo Parco Nazionale dell ’Aspromonte e nel cuore dell ’are region di lingua grika della regione (il griko è un dialetto, residuo dell ’antica presenza dei greci), i viaggiatiatia curios kuulus Belpaese perekond: Pentedattilo.
Da nord a sud, le città fantasma sono molte, frutto di un mix tra ekonomà ekonomic e e pericoli territoriali: Bussana Vecchia, in Liguria, e Apice Vecchia, in Campania, sono state abbandonate a causa di un terremoto Craco, in Basilicata, a causa di una frana e Savogno, Lombardia, ha subito la needità dei suoi abitanti di trovare lavoro nelle città e nei paesi vicini.
E poi c ’è Pentedattilo. Solo un altro nome in questa lunga list of luoghi dimenticati, così sembra, dalla gente, dal tempo and dalla storia. Kas ma olen davvero così? In real Pentedattilo, come molti dei paesi fantasma d ’Italia, non è più la casa di molte persone, ma negli ultimi decenni sta vivendo una rinascita. Vediamo come e perché.
Pentedattilo on Piccola frazione del comune di Melito Porto Salvo, maksumus on su una rupe del Monte Calvario, umbes 250 meetrit livello del mare. Il Monte Calvario ha una forma molto Partolare, che ha dato a Pentedattilo il suo nome: le sue cime sembrano cinque dita protese nel cielo, da cui il nome originale greco dell ’insediamento, pènta-daktylos, che signa proprio questo, “cinque dita ”. Nel suo periodo d ’oro, aveva anche un castello, di cui oggi rimangono solo alcune rovine intorno ad esso si sviluppò l ’antico villaggio, nella forma che ha tuttora.
Come ci dice il suo nome, Pentedattilo fu hõbeda per la prima volta dai greci nel 640 a.C .: fu un centro vivace e prospero ed ebbe anche un importante ruolo militare, che fu mantenuto per tutto il periodo greco-romano. Dopo il declino dell’Impero Romano d’Occidente, la zona fu governata dai Bizantini e iniziò un lungo periodo di decadenza, segnato dalla povertà e dalle frequenti incursioni saracene. Nel XII secolo, Pentedattilo fu conquistata dai Normanni e passò nelle mani di alcune famiglie nobili: furono però due famiglie in particolare ad associare il loro nome a quello del paese, gli Alberti e gli Abenavoli. Esse sono al centro di un evento doloroso e tragico, il massacro degli Alberti, che ebbe luogo nel 1686 e che segnò la storia del paese.
Gli Alberti, marchesi di Pentedattilo, erano succeduti agli Abenavoli come governanti della città, e i rapporti tra le due famiglie non erano mai stati buoni. Le cose sembrarono migliorare, quando Bernardino Abenavoli chiese di sposare Antonietta, figlia del marchese. Non era una mossa insolita: sappiamo tutti che, in passato, molte faide familiari venivano risolte attraverso matrimoni combinati. Con un tipico colpo di scena, il fratello di Antonietta – incapace di farsi gli affari suoi e lasciare che fosse il padre a dirigere lo spettacolo – decise di concedere la mano della sorella a Don Petrillo Cortez, figlio del viceré di Napoli. Come potete immaginare, Bernardino non ne fu contento e così, la notte del 16 aprile 1686, irruppe nel castello degli Alberti a Pentedattilo e uccise tutti, compreso il piccolo Simone Alberti, di 9 anni. Salvò solo Antonietta e Petrillo Cortez, per assicurarsi che il viceré non si sarebbe vendicato. Ma Cortez, come avrebbe fatto ogni buon militare e governante di quei tempi, optò per la spada e mandò il suo esercito a Pentedattilo. Alcuni dei cospiratori furono catturati e uccisi, ma Bernardino riuscì a fuggire con Antonietta, che prima sposò e poi abbandonò in un convento. Le leggende dicono che Bernardino, alla fine, si arruolò nell’esercito austriaco e morì in battaglia.
Se il massacro della famiglia Alberti è storicamente avvenuto, un gran numero di leggende è fiorito intorno ad esso. Per esempio, si dice che le cinque cime del Monte Calvario, simili a dita, un giorno cadranno sul villaggio per punire gli abitanti per la sete di sangue di Bernardino si dice anche che le cime simboleggiano la mano sanguinante di Bernardino Abenavoli, ed è per questo che la gente del posto chiama la montagna la “Mano del Diavolo”.
Come accade in ogni storia di fantasmi che si rispetti, alcuni giurano di poter ancora sentire le grida degli Albertini riecheggiare di notte, quando c’è molto vento, tra le cinque dita rocciose della Mano del Diavolo.
La storia di Pentedattilo sembra suggerire in modo inquietante che Abenavoli abbia effettivamente attirato il male e la negatività sul paese perché, meno di 100 anni dopo, fu gravemente danneggiato da un terremoto: l’inizio della fine. La sua gente sentì che Pentedattilo non era più sicura e cercò protezione – e migliori lavori – nella vicina Melito Porto Salvo. A causa di ciò, nel 1811 Pentedattilo perse il suo status di comune e divenne una frazione del villaggio più grande.
Pentedattilo rimase ad alto rischio sismico, e si allagò spesso: per questo nel 1968, quasi tre secoli dopo la strage che portò su di esso tenebre e disgrazie, fu dichiarato inabitabile e infine abbandonato nel 1971.
La vita ha ripreso a sorridere a Pentedattilo negli anni , quando diverse associazioni con membri provenienti da tutto il mondo hanno deciso di riqualificarlo. E così, artigiani e artisti locali sono tornati nelle case di pietra abbandonate, le hanno sistemate e hanno aperto atelier e negozi. Da allora sono stati aperti anche musei del patrimonio e dei prodotti locali, tra cui il Museo delle tradizioni popolari e la Casa del Bergamotto, dedicata all’antica coltivazione del bergamotto tipica della zona.
C’è di più: ogni estate, Pentedattilo ospita anche due importanti festival d’arte, Paleariza, una manifestazione itinerante volta a mantenere vivo il patrimonio del dialetto greco parlato nella zona, e il Pentedattilo Film Festival, dedicato ai registi emergenti di cortometraggi.
Anche se vivere a Pentedattilo non è più possibile, la sua storia e il suo patrimonio sono mantenuti vivi e possono ancora essere goduti, giorno dopo giorno, da tutti i visitatori che vogliono saperne di più.
The Crusader Army Crosses into Asia Minor III
The crusader leaders acted quickly. Nicaea fell on 19 June. On 26 June the first contingents left Nicaea, amongst them the Normans of South Italy. Various groups left subsequently, the last being the Provençals on 28 June and the army gathered at a place where there was a bridge, which Anna Comnena identifies as Lefke, about twenty-five kilometres east of Nicaea. A number of crusaders had stayed behind at Nicaea and took service with the emperor, while Anselm of Ribemont was sent to the imperial court by the leaders in order to settle outstanding business. They had already decided to go to Antioch, so necessarily they had to direct their path towards the old Byzantine fortress at Dorylaeum (Eskişehir) which was the gateway to the Anatolian plateau. The sources are quite clear that in the two days of march after the concentration of the army they broke into two groups, a vanguard and a main force. Raymond of Aguilers says that this happened after one day’s march, which suggests that the Provençals had left Nicaea a day later than the first contingents. We know how they divided the vanguard was led by Bohemond, Tancred, Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois, probably fewer than 20,000 in all. The second, larger force, comprising the rest of the army was under Robert of Flanders, Hugh of Vermandois, Godfrey de Bouillon and Raymond of Toulouse, – rather more than 30,000 strong. It is more difficult to suggest why this happened. Fulcher, who was in the vanguard, simply confesses that he does not know the Anonymous says there was confusion in the dark as the army left its place of concentration, while Raymond of Aguilers says that it was the fault of Bohemond and his companions who rushed on rashly (temere). Albert of Aix says that it was the result of a deliberate decision of the princes who after two days of marching the army together, now felt the need to divide it for foraging. Ralph of Caen tells us that some thought the division deliberate, and specifically denies this, which suggests that even after the crusade the matter was still being debated. It is likely that sheer size and the lack of any overall commander were the real reasons. The army of Frederick Barbarossa on the Third Crusade was 100,000 strong and seems to have taken three days to pass any single point. The sources for the battle of Dorylaeum make clear that most of the casualties were suffered by stragglers between the two forces, which would suggest that the host became strung out simply as a result of the natural frictions of the march. The disagreements and uncertainty of the three eyewitnesses – Raymond with the main force, Fulcher and the Anonymous with the vanguard, support this view. It also reflects the incoherence of the crusade’s command arrangements. It is worth remembering that the baggage train of Peter the Hermit’s much smaller force straggled a mile along the road and that the crusader army at its maximum strength was well over twice that size. But perhaps the leaders conferred at some point and gave their blessing to a division already becoming apparent. At the time of the battle Raymond of Aguilers says quite clearly that the two parts of the army were two miles apart – over five kilometres.
The crusaders had now begun a march which would result in what is conventionally called the battle of Dorylaeum, for Anna Comnena says that it took place when Kilij Arslan ambushed Bohemond and the vanguard ‘on the plain of Dorylaeum’. In a letter of the leaders to the West on 11 September 1098, they referred to the battle at ‘Dorotilla’ which sounds very like the same place. One manuscript of the chronicle of Raymond of Aguilers refers to the battle ‘in campo florido’. Albert says that the battle took place ‘in vallem Degorganhi’, now called the Orellis, but later has Bohemond’s messenger to the other leaders say that the enemy attacked down the Orellis into the Degorganhi: neither of these place names can be identified and Albert does later use the name Orellis to mean somewhere quite different. However, there are grave difficulties about the idea that the battle was fought at or near Dorylaeum. The Anonymous says that the army marched one day from Nicaea and encamped for two days by a bridge while all the contingents gathered, then marched for two days until the battle on the third day. Raymond of Aguilers says that on the third day after the concentration of the army they met the enemy. Anselm says that after a two day march they encountered the enemy on the morning of the third day which was ‘kal. Iulii’, 1 July Fulcher confirms the date and confirms that the battle began in the morning. Thus the crusade began to leave Nicaea on 26 June and concentrated at a river crossing, from which it departed on 29 June. It then marched for two days and fought the enemy in the morning of 1 July. When we examine the distances and the likely rates of march of the crusader army it is evident that they could not have reached the close vicinity of Dorylaeum in this time. Anna Comnena says that the army concentrated at the bridge of Lefke, which probably means the bridge over the Göksu, a western tributary of the Sakarya Nehri. Nicaea to Lefke on the Roman road is twenty-five kilometres, and Dorylaeum another ninety kilometres. If, as has been suggested, the army marched south to the Göksu and crossed it in the vicinity of Yenişhehir (a distance of thirty kilometres) they still had to cover roughly the same distance to Dorylaeum. A study of the rates of march of the individual armies across Europe to Constantinople suggests that, in the most favourable circumstances, the forces of Godfrey and Peter the Hermit never did more than twenty-nine kilometres per day. The army which left Nicaea was much larger and lacked a clear overall command and is likely to have progressed much more slowly. Barbarossa’s army probably managed about twenty-nine kilometres per day in Europe.86 Even at these rates the army would have been about thirty kilometres short of Dorylaeum after two days of marching, but they were probably moving much more slowly for they were in the presence of the enemy and encumbered with a heavy baggage-train. We can reasonably accurately date the departure of the army from Dorylaeum and its arrival at Antioch as being 4 July to 20 October. In 105 days of marching (with fifteen days of rest) they travelled 1180 kilometres, an average of thirteen kilometres per day which the Chronologie of Hagenmeyer suggests varied between eight and eighteen kilometres. There is no point in seeking comparison with events after Antioch when the army was much smaller. Furthermore, the crusaders knew the enemy were about and this would have restricted their speed, even if the vanguard did push on somewhat. All this suggests that the battle could not have taken place more than forty kilometres, or just conceivably fifty kilometres, south of Lefke or the Göksu crossing. Hagenmeyer recognised the problem and suggested Bozüyük just over fifty kilometres south of Lefke and about the same from Yenişhehir. This is probably as far as the army could conceivably have reached and it certainly could be regarded as being in the valley of Dorylaeum, as suggested by the letter of the leaders. Runciman points out that a Byzantine road runs further north through Sögüt and enters the plain ten kilometres short of Dorylaeum, where he thinks the battle took place. However, as Runciman admits, although this road does cross rivers, the countryside was very steep indeed and this probably rules out any of these crossings. But more simply, this was most certainly further than the army could have reached. What is clear is that the battle took place in a wide valley, for Albert says that Bohemond’s force was well to the right of the main force as well as ahead of it. Moreover, there was a river, for Albert mentions streams and Ralph of Caen, whose description is detailed, says that it was fought after a river crossing. William of Tyre follows Albert for the most part but with some variations. He says that the army followed a river in the valley of Gorgoni, and that the main force was to the right of Bohemond’s, reversing Albert’s statement. Albert’s account of a battle fought where two valleys join, taken together with Raymond’s mention of the ‘flowered field’ and the general description of the battle, suggests that it was fought in open land on the road towards Dorylaeum, and the comments of Albert and Ralph indicate not far from a river crossing or crossings, although these played no role in the major action. In fact to understand the battle we need to understand fully the circumstances in which the army found itself, the country and its road system.
After the capture of Nicaea it is clear from Stephen’s letter that the leaders had decided to march to Antioch, and evidently they had decided not to take the coastal route. They also rejected the ‘Pilgrim Road’ due east from Nicaea via Iuliopolis (near the modern village of Çayirbano) and Ancyra (Ankara) down through the heart of Asia Minor and across the Cilician Gates to Tarsus. Instead they decided to mount the Anatolian plateau towards the Byzantine military station at Dorylaeum (modern Eskişehir) which, at 800 metres commands the obvious point of entry to the plateau via a broad valley the sides of which rise to 1,200 metres and beyond. Because Anna Comnena mentions the bridge at Lefke it has been assumed that the host marched east from Nicaea up the gently sloping plain, over the watershed and into the valley of the Sakarya and then up that of its southern tributary, the Kara Su, to its upper reaches just north of Bozüyük, where the land opens out into the wide valley which leads to Dorylaeum. But it is difficult to believe that the army would have taken this route, for the valley of the Kara Su, even in its lower reaches, is very steep and difficult and at Bilecik enters a spectacular gorge before narrowing even further into a grim steep defile which would have formed a perfect ambush site. The Byzantine road forked at Bilecik providing a road via modern Sögüt to Dorylaeum, but this road too is dangerously scenic and offers no open sites until it is very close to Dorylaeum. It is far more likely that the crusaders marched south from Nicaea. The first stage of this journey over the Avdan Dagi, whose peaks rise to 835 metres would have been quite difficult but thereafter they could cross the Göksu in the vicinity of modern Yenişehehir. From there a Roman road crossed the Ahl Dag, which rise to 1000 metres and emerged into the broad valley above Bozüyük, roughly where the modern Ego road from Bursa meets route 650 from Bilecik, just south of the narrow gorges of the Kara Su and some three to five kilometres north of Bozüyük. While by no means easy this route is no longer and offered a much more open approach to the high plateau. It is very likely that it was at this junction of roads in the plain that the battle of Dorylaeum took place. Albert clearly indicates that the site was where two valleys meet, and the open ground here is about the right distance from the crossing of the Göksu. Moreover, the Anonymous says that when the crusader force came it formed up to the right of Bohemond’s trapped vanguard – it was, therefore, from the right that the attack came. This is also the force of Albert’s insistence on telling us that the vanguard moved to the right of the main force and William of Tyre’s careful correction that they were to the left, which fits with the Anonymous’s account. Both are explaining the subsequent alignment of the battle. This would fit with the suggestion made here that the crusaders approached along the gentle valley from the west and were ambushed by the Turkish army lying in the southern valley to their right. The logic of the battle is clear. Kilij Arslan and his Turks were returning to the fray. This time he had concluded an alliance with the Danishmend Emir and together they were ready to attack the Franks. They chose to do so on the approaches to the high plateau and at a point of maximum advantage where they could lay an ambush and destroy an isolated part of the crusader force before its main weight could be brought to bear. It was the strategy of the Nicaea attack, but this time in less confined ground where Turkish speed of manoeuvre could be maximised. The Turkish army was probably much smaller than the total force of the crusaders and so had to avoid direct conflict with the main force and defeat their enemy in detail. Fulcher’s 360,000, though supported by the Anonymous, is sheer fantasy. In the accounts of the Crusade of 1101 we hear of the 700 knights in the rearguard of the main Lombard army being savaged by 500 Turks, while the army which destroyed the Bavarian and Aquitainian army was only 4,000 in all. The Turkish force was entirely mounted and was probably roughly equal to the knights in the whole crusader host. Therefore, a battle of movement involving the cavalry element would nullify the huge numeric advantage of the western forces and, in the attack on the crusader vanguard, Kilij Arslan would actually outnumber the western knights. If the Franks had marched up the gorge of the Kara Su they would surely have attacked them there, just as they would later destroy the Byzantine army at Myriokephalon in 1176.
On the evening of 30 June Fulcher and Ralph of Caen both say that the vanguard saw Turkish forces, substantiating intelligence which had already suggested that they were in the vicinity this last comment suggests that Tatikios was with the vanguard, although no chronicler mentions him. Clearly at least, the vanguard, more than five kilometres ahead of the main force, were aware of the enemy presence.95 Albert of Aachen places the battle in the evening – starting as the army camped at the ninth hour, late afternoon. However, Albert here seems to be trying to make sense of his sources, hence perhaps his error on which side of the valley the vanguard was following, for his suggestion of an evening battle is connected with the act of making camp. But the Anonymous says that the battle raged from the third to ninth hour, and Fulcher suggests that the vanguard was on its own from the first to sixth hour (6–7am–noon). As these writers were actually with the front force they should be preferred, particularly as Ralph of Caen confirms their story that contact was made with the enemy on the evening before the battle and that the march was resumed the next morning when the crusaders were forced to pitch camp when it became apparent that a large enemy army was present. It was probably making sense of this sequence of events which confused Albert whose account, however, contains much valuable information. Fulcher’s account is peculiarly vivid for he was in the camp where: ‘We were all indeed huddled together like sheep in a fold, trembling and frightened, surrounded on all sides by enemies so that we could not turn in any direction’, while the Anonymous was with the knights of the vanguard who were outside the camp from which the women brought water.97 Ralph says that after an anxious night the army moved on and forced the passage of a river after which the appearance of the enemy compelled them to pitch their camp Fulcher says they camped by a marsh which gave them some protection from the enemy and that later the enemy broke across the marsh. His account of murderous fighting in the camp is supported by Albert, who says that Robert of Paris died there trying to help the rank and file and adds the picturesque detail that young women tried to make themselves look beautiful so that they would be spared the sword. Ralph of Caen shows the knights depressed by their inability to save the others. Crusader sources therefore suggest two distinct actions within the battle. Fulcher speaks of the leaders fighting while those like him in the camp desperately resisted. Albert says that at the sight of the enemy Bohemond and the knights rode forward but were unable to prevent the Turks getting into the camp. Ralph tells us that when the camp was pitched the knights attacked the enemy, but were driven back in disorder and saved only by Robert of Normandy who rallied them with scornful words – subsequently they were involved in heavy fighting in which Tancred’s brother William was killed. The Anonymous says that when the enemy were sighted Bohemond ordered the foot to pitch camp and the knights to attack the enemy, and then makes it clear that the cavalry were driven back on the camp, for he says that in the subsequent fighting the women brought water to them. Raymond of Aguilers suggests that the camp was sacked by the enemy. Ralph says that thereafter the knights fought hard, commanded separately by Bohemond and Robert of Normandy, and appears to show these men imposing solid discipline upon their followers. The Anonymous tells us that from the first the vanguard was surrounded – ‘we are encircled’ he has Bohemond say – yet Fulcher speaks of a marsh on one side of the camp protecting them and the subsequent development of the battle was to the vanguard’s right. This can be explained by reference to the lie of the land. The convergence of the two valleys forms a natural basin against the northern rim of which Bohemond was pinned by the Turkish main force, but smaller troops of the enemy probably menaced from the surrounding hills, for the Anonymous mentions the enemy presence there.
Bohemond is 5 km ahead of the main army in company with Robert of Normandy and the Counts of Blois and Flanders together with the Byzantines having descended from Nicaea to the northwest they enter the main valley leading to Dorylaeum and see the Turks. Bohemond orders his foot to make camp quickly and throws forward his cavalry to protect them.
The Franco-Norman cavalry is driven back on the camp, rallied by its leaders, and forms the outer shell of resistance in a ‘wearing-out fight’. The crusader army is surrounded, though partially protected by a marsh (location conjectural). They cling on, relying on their compact mass hoping for help from the main force.
Godfrey and the Provençals of the main army arrive forcing the Turks to break off their attack and turn to meet the new threat to their left. The new arrivals form up to the RIGHT of Bohemond’s beleaguered force.
The Count of Toulouse enters the main valley through the Drumlins which mark its western shoulder, and his attack on their rear and left forces the Turks to flee leaving victory to the Crusaders.
Throughout the morning there was heavy and unpleasant fighting at close quarters. The western knights seem to have been pinned against the southern side of their camp holding off the Turks who, however, were able to penetrate from other sides despite the difficulties presented by a marsh on one side and the considerable resistance of the crusader footmen. About noon, after five to six hours of this bitter fighting, the knights of the main force came up to relieve their comrades. The Anonymous describes the formation of a battle line, but this is the tidiness of hindsight. The main force was probably well out of sight of the battle in the western valley and, although messages seem to have been sent back early, it was not until about noon that they appeared. This is not surprising, for the main army’s knights had to prepare themselves for battle and then to ride five kilometres along a road which was probably choked with transport and stragglers. It is unlikely that they had much time to form into line. Far to the right, the bishop of Le Puy seems to have charged behind a small hill and come upon the enemy now turning to face the new threat on their left, from the rear. At the convergence of the two valleys there are a number of glacial drumlins and one of these was probably the hill to which reference is made. There is no reason to believe that this was planned rather a pell-mell battle developed in which skirmishes such as that in which Godfrey with 50 sodales attacked what they believed to be Kilij Arslan and his household on a low hill were the rule. A running fight ensued in which the enemy often turned to fight causing casualties like Gerard of Quiersy. The enemy’s camp was sacked and the nomads were pursued along the road so that, for two or three days after, the army passed enemy soldiers and horses fallen by the wayside. Casualties appear to have been heavy although how far we can regard Albert’s 4,000 Christians and 3,000 Turks as precise figures is a different matter. They do, however, sound small enough to be credible and large enough to suggest heavy fighting. Large numbers of the main force, the foot, the non-combatants generally and presumably some knights, were never engaged at all. It is interesting that Fulcher says that most of the casualties were those caught straggling between the two crusader armies, a comment substantiated by Raymond of Aguilers.
Dorylaeum was a nasty experience for the crusaders. They were not caught totally by surprise in that they knew the enemy were near, but it is odd that the leaders in the vanguard did not warn the main force behind them. Presumably, they simply took it for granted that the enemy was around but could not guess that his main force was so close. It is unlikely that Kilij Arslan was ignorant of the whereabouts of the crusader main force. He attempted to destroy their smaller element in favourable circumstances, counting on numeric superiority to bring victory in a mobile battle over the knights in the vanguard. The crusaders were alert and their foot prepared to pitch camp while an element of the knights confronted the enemy and were put to flight, falling back on the camp where their solid formation, and the fact that the site was confined by the edge of the plain and a marsh, enabled them to resist the Turks. The Turks were drawn into close quarter fighting both against the knights and in amongst the tents and baggage. ‘The enemy were helped by numbers’, says Ralph, referring to the knights, ‘we by our armour’, which suggests that the knights adopted a solid formation and refused to be broken up by the enemy’s attacks with arrows and missiles. The stall-fed horses of the western knights may have been larger than the ponies of the Turks, and this weight advantage may have helped to solidify their resistance but, in general it was of no more use to them than it had been to the Byzantines. The western knights in the vanguard must have been quite helpless and the progress of the Turks in the camp would have destroyed their entire position, but relief came. Both sides seem to have been surprised by the enemy. The crusaders were appalled by the enemy tactics which struck the Anonymous as menacing and daring and Fulcher as totally new: ‘to all of us such warfare was unknown’. He was also struck by the fact that the enemy were entirely mounted: ‘All were mounted. On the other hand we had both footmen and bowmen.’ Albert of Aix remarks time after time in his account on Turkish use of the bow which clearly struck the crusaders as novel. But the leaders had been warned by Alexius and Frankish contact with the east, and even those in the vanguard managed to keep control of their forces – though luck played its part in this. Furthermore, they seem to have made sure that all were alert, for although the timing of the attack was a surprise, as probably was its direction, when it came, camp of a sort was made quickly. From the viewpoint of the crusaders, what is striking is that the battle evolved and was never directed. Although only a fraction of the crusader army was engaged, their advantage in numbers had much to do with their victory – just as it had at Nicaea. For Kilij Arslan seems to have repeated the error made at Nicaea he counted on the enemy panicking under a surprise attack. When they resisted he was drawn into a bloody close-quarter battle in which the crusader footsoldiers in the camp made stiff resistance, partly because of their very numbers. As at Nicaea the appearance of a relief force, in this case one part of which under Adhémar came from an unexpected direction, drove his men from the field. That this was a pell-mell affair with no evidence of overall command (which led to the division in the crusader ranks in the first place) should not be allowed to detract from the quality of the crusader leadership. The army was alert and when the surprise attack came managed to establish a camp which subsequently formed a fortress. Robert of Normandy rallied knights alarmed by the novel methods of the enemy and subsequently he and Bohemond imposed a discipline upon them. The enemy broke into the camp and did much destruction, but the foot evidently fought hard, otherwise the camp which anchored the cavalry in their struggle would have been swept away. All of this suggests a formidable coherence in the crusader army and a considerable will to fight. It must be remembered that the terror which they inspired had served the Turks well in their fights with the Byzantines and others who found their missile tactics difficult to counter. Above all, the sense of isolation created by encirclement panicked large forces time after time. At Dorylaeum some of the knights did panic – those under Bohemond – but they were rallied by Robert of Normandy. Once discipline and solidity of formation was reimposed, partly because they simply couldn’t do anything else pinned against their own tents, the knights found that they could resist – though fairly passively. It was a lesson Nicephorous Botaneiates had learned as a general under Constantine IX during a retreat in the presence of the Patzinacks:
[Botaneiates] ordered his men not to spread out as the rest of the men were seen to be doing and not to turn their backs to the enemy making themselves into a target for Pecheneg arrows. … The Pechenegs on seeing a small group which advanced information and in battle order, made a violent sortie against them. … retired when they saw it was impossible to disperse the Byzantines…. They were unable to engage the Byzantines in hand-to-hand combat for having made a trial of close fighting, they had many times lost a great number of men.
In any case, there was a limit to the losses the Turks were prepared to take. The loss of Nicaea was a blow to the Seljuk Kilij Arslan for like his father he aspired to be something more than a ruler of nomads – hence the acquisition of Nicaea as a capital and the effort to seize Antioch under Sulayman. But he was a lord of nomads and for them murderous casualties were simply not worthwhile before an enemy who could be evaded and whose departure would allow them to return to their pasture-lands. If Albert’s figure of 3,000 is in any way to be believed they had suffered badly enough for their leader’s ambitions. Only once again would they stand and fight – at Heraclea where an ambush was attempted and failed but it seems to have been so feeble that most of the sources do not mention it. But if the Turks were now in no position to check the crusaders, they did not know that and Fulcher says that from this time the army proceeded very carefully, while Albert says they resolved not to break up again. The Turks of Anatolia had been defeated, in so far as that means anything when speaking of a nomadic people who had clearly not been driven out of Asia Minor. Their ruling house had suffered a severe blow. They had lost a capital which gave them prestige, access and control over the emirates of western Asia Minor who were now at the mercy of the Byzantines. It opened the way, as we shall see, for a Byzantine reconquest in western Asia Minor. It was a stunning triumph for the crusaders for hitherto the onward march of the Turks had been unstoppable, as they themselves recognised for, as the Anonymous says, ‘the Turks… thought that they would strike terror into the Franks, as they had done the Arabs and Saracens, Armenians, Syrians and Greeks by the menace of their arrows’.
In part they had been defeated by luck. Kilij Arslan had mistaken the People’s Crusade for the totality of the western effort and had to return from Melitene when they besieged Nicaea. His attack on the Provençals at Nicaea was mistimed, as was that against the vanguard near Bozüyük. But the victors made their own luck. It was their solid resistance that Kilij Arslan underestimated, hence their victory and his defeat. This rested on their manner of war in the west, which called for disciplined close-quarter fighting in which heavily armoured men played a key role. Ultimately, however, they differed from earlier enemies of the Turks by their motivation, their religious fanaticism which underpinned their fighting style. In the crisis of the battle at Dorylaeum that zeal showed in their password, ‘Stand fast altogether, trusting in Christ and in the victory of the Holy Cross. Today, please God, you will all gain much booty’. And so of course they did, and their spoils were much more than merely the pickings of the nomad camp. For the defeat at Dorylaeum seems to have sparked off revolts in some of the cities along the crusader line of march. The Anonymous says that as the Sultan fled he had to trick his way into the cities which his forces then looted. By contrast, the Christian army was welcomed in the vicinity of Iconium and this reception would become even warmer in east. These were truly the fruits of victory, for as a later eastern source commented, ‘The land was shaken before them.’
The battle [ edit ]
After a brutal winter, fighting commenced between the two opposing forces in the spring fighting season. The Battle for the Asio River (modern name, Esino) was the first battle of the season, taking place on the banks of the river. Fighting was bloody with the Optimate infantry advancing and successfully breaking the Populares infantry who were obliged to fall back. As this was happening, the Optimate cavalry commanded by Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus attacked the retreating Populares forces inflicting heavy casualties. Ώ ] ΐ ]
IO SATURNALIA - a story about X-masPhoto 1: Nativity scene from Napels (photo Howard Hudson)
Our current Christmas of course has everything to do with the birth of Christ 1 . The corresponding expressions of this feast often go much further back and seem based on religions and traditions that even remotely had nothing to do with today's Christianity, not even with the birth of Jesus. The date, December the 25th , would among other things be borrowed from the birthday of the god Mithras, originally from Persian and also born out of a virgin, who, at the time of the birth of Christ was immensely popular in the Roman Empire for already many years (see ' the last Mithras shrine ' ).
The Christmas tree would come from the pagan Mid-winter-festival.
Photo 2: Roman statue of Isis with
Horus (Vatican Museum)
The image of Maria with child is clearly retrieved from the Egyptian goddess Isis with her child the god Horus. The Isis culture was extremely popular in the Roman world. And than we haven't talked about the influences of the topic we like to discuss in this article, the Saturnalia.
How could so many ' pagan ' traditions enter our Christmas experience?
To switch to another religion, in this case to facilitate Christianity, many ' pagan ' customs were not prohibited or eliminated, but implemented with a Christian sauce into the new faith. Temples were not dismantled or destroyed but stripped of pagan symbols and adapted to the new religion, in which many old customs just took place, albeit in a new religious context. This also happened with the Saturnalia, probably the biggest Roman festivals of all. These festivities, originally connected with the Roman god Saturn remained still popular for a very long time in the Christian world. Also from this festival several traditions have survived in our Christmas celebration.
Photo 3: Bust of Janus 2
During the late Kingdom a Festival in honour of the god Saturn was established in Rome, the Saturnalia. The Romans did have some good reasons for honouring this god. Mythological stories told us that Saturn, on the run for Jupiter, had found accommodation in the Kingdom of Janus in Italy. Therefor Janus was punished by Jupiter with two faces. One looking to the past and one watching the future. Janus was also called the god of the passages because every deity had to be called through him.
Saturn learnt the inhabitants of the land of King Janus the art of agriculture, taught them writing and the use of coins. Janus was one and all admiration for Saturn and proposed to govern the Kingdom together. The period under King Saturn was called ' golden years '. Social discrimination, there was not, on the contrary, everyone was equal and people had no private property.
Photo 4: Basrelief of Saturn 3
When Saturn suddenly left Janus took some measures to honour Saturn. So he called the whole country where he was king ‘Saturnia ', built an altar in honour of the god Saturn and made some rituals for the god that he called the Saturnalia.
Janus and Saturn left a great impression on the later population of Italy. The month of January was called after Janus and in the month of December the Saturnalia, the festival in honour of Saturn, took place.
According to Livius 4 the first official Saturnalia coincided with the year in which the Temple of Saturn on the Forum Romanum in Rome was built, December the 17th of the year 497 BC. Henceforth on this day the Saturnalia would be celebrated. From the beginning the temple was used also as an archive for social security legislation and international agreements. Also the Treasury was kept there because it was said that during the reign of King Saturn no theft was committed, because no one had private property.
Photo 5: The remaining columns of the temple of Saturn at the Forum Romanum in Rome 5
In the temple stood a statue of an old man with the head covered. In his hand he held a scythe, the symbol of Saturn (see photo 4). The feet of the statue were tied together with a woollen thread that was loosened during the Saturnalia so that also the god himself could join the festivities. It was a public holiday in which everyone could participate. The schools gave this day off, courts were closed, convictions were delayed and it was also strictly prohibited to start a war during the festival. In other words: the whole public life was quiet. Anyone got the opportunity to celebrate the festival and this made the Saturnalia one of the most popular events among the population. The festivities were originally only on December 17, but later on extended till December 23. Of course it was held to honour Saturn, but also to celebrate the end of the agricultural year.
Photo 6: Statues of the dioscuri wearing a pileus 6
In the morning, the men rose early to go bathing. The dress was also different in comparison with other holidays: the stiff gown remained in the closet and instead the Roman citizens wore loose, easy robes. One wore a pileus on the head, a hat that symbolized freedom the symbol of a freedman. After bathing everyone went in the direction of the forum to the Temple of Saturn, where sacrifices were carried out in honour of the god. During the sacrifice, according to a retrieved Greek use the Romans uncovered their heads. Normally during religious rituals the head was covered with the gown, but on the Saturnalia the Romans believed that no bad omen could interrupt the festivities.
Photo 7: An eightteen century depiction of the Saturnalia by Antoine Callet 7
After the sacrificial ceremonies there was an official banquet outside the temple. After that most people left the forum wishing each other ' Io Saturnalia ' and went home to continue the party. This often resulted in excessive drinking and festive meals, making the word saturnalia in Latin synonymous to ' orgy '. One of the costumes was the election of a ' King of the Saturnalia’, an ordinary man from the street who gave orders to everyone, lord or peasant. Also small gifts, known as sigillaria, were exchanged.
Photo 9: Terracotta gift 9 Photo 8: Terracotta gift 8
Traditionally this were candles, earthen masks or puppets. This was related to a story about Hercules and the population living originally at the foot of the Capitol hill. An oracle had told them to sacrifice each year a number of human heads and meale bodies in honour of Saturn. When Hercules heard what kind of cruelties were committed, he interfered. He suggested to replace the human heads by earthen dolls and human sacrifices by candles. Thus started the tradition of giving presents to the host if one was invited for dinner or to people who, for one reason or another, earned to receive a present.
One of the most striking customs of the Saturnalia was the changin of the roles: slave became master and master became slave. During the meal, the slaves were served by their masters. Also during the game of dice, which was normally prohibited, but for the occasion admitted and lord and servant played on equal footing. This gesture had to remember the “Golden Years” under Saturn in which there was no distinction made between the people. It was a chance for the master to thank their servants for the work done.
Later on, when the Roman Empire accepted Christianity as the only permissible faith, the Saturnalia were adopted by the Christians. And that brings us to Christmas.
Photo 10: David Teniers. The King of Misrule (1634 -1640) 10
The Saturnalia Aad X-mas
The feast of Saturnalia, originally connected with the Roman god Saturn, still remained the most popular folk festival for a long time. Also inside the Christian world. Pope Julius I (337-352) wanted to change this and came up with the following solution:
Although the exact date of the birth of Jesus was unknown, Pope Julius declared that it had to be celebrated officially on December the 25th, around the time of the festival of the Saturnalia. Most likely he wanted to create a Christian alternative for the still huge popular Saturnalia.
A second reason was the fact that the Roman Emperor Aurelian in 274 had declared the 25th of December to the feast of another Roman deity, the Sol Invictus (the invincible Sun). Julius I opined that he, by connecting those events together, could convert more people to Christianity. On top of that, he probably was influenced by the prevalent idea that Jesus had died on the same day as the conception of Mary. Jesus died during the Jewish Passover that was celebrated in the third century on the 25th of March. Therefore, Jesus had to be born, 9 months later on the 25th of December. So from that moment on Christmas fell on December the 25th while maintaining a large part of the customs that came with the Saturnalia celebrations.
During the middle ages Christmas was especially a celebration of drinking, gambling and overeating. The expression io saturnalia continued for many centuries the official Christmas greetings. In France, England and Switzerland the ' King of the Saturnalia ' still lived on for a long time under the name of ' King of the Misrule’. In many countries it was a habit to declare the one who found the bean or coin in a bread or cake to the King of that day. The habit of giving gifts reflects the Roman tradition of sigillaria and lighting of advent or Christmas candles is a reminiscent of the Roman use of torches and wax candles and, as has been said already, both Saturnalia and Christmas are strongly associated with eating, drinking, singing and dancing.