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Pandemics


HISTORY.com hõlmab mitmeid nurki mineviku pandeemiate kohta, et aidata raamida COVID-19 kriisi.

Kuidas Esimese maailmasõja pärand varjutas 1918. aasta pandeemia

Esimene maailmasõda lõppes 11. novembril 1918 - üheksa kuud pärast seda, kui Ameerika Ühendriikides teatati esimestest juhtudest, mida nimetati Hispaania gripiks. Sõja taustal tõusis 1918. aasta gripipandeemia ajal, mil inimesed kogesid juba ...Loe rohkem

Surmavamad sündmused USA ajaloos

See on sünge, kuid vajalik arvutus, lugedes neid ameeriklasi, kes on oma riigi teenistuses surnud, terrorirünnakute sihtmärkidena, loodusõnnetuste keskel või pandeemiahaiguste ohvritena. Siin on ajaloo peamised sündmused, mis on põhjustanud laastava löögi ...Loe rohkem

Kui ülemkohus määras vaktsiini, võib see olla kohustuslik

Aastal 1901 kirdus kirdeosas surmav rõugeepideemia, mis ajendas Bostoni ja Cambridge'i tervishoiuametit tellima kõigi elanike vaktsineerimise. Kuid mõned keeldusid laskmisest, väites, et vaktsiinitellimus rikub nende põhiseadusest tulenevaid isikuvabadusi. ...Loe rohkem

Miks 1918. aasta gripipandeemia tegelikult ei lõppenud

Üle maailma mõeldamatu 50–100 miljonit inimest suri aastatel 1918–1919 levinud gripipandeemiasse, mida üldtuntud kui „hispaania grippi”. See oli surmavaim ülemaailmne pandeemia pärast musta surma ja harva gripiviiruste seas noorte ja tervete hävitamiseks, sageli mõne päeva jooksul pärast ...Loe rohkem

Kuidas gripipandeemia 1918. aastal Halloweeni muutis

„Nõiad peavad olema ettevaatlikud,” kuulutas Baltimore’i ameeriklane 31. oktoobril 1918. Marylandi linna tervishoiuvolinik oli keelanud avalikud Halloweeni üritused, andes politseijuhile korralduse takistada inimestel „karnevali ja muid avalikke pidustusi” korraldamast. The ...Loe rohkem

Kui USA valitsus proovis gripivaktsiini kiirendada

Pärast seda, kui reamees David Lewis 4. veebruaril 1976 New Jersey Fort Dixis baaskoolituse ajal kokku kukkus ja suri, tuvastas 19-aastase enneaegse surma uurimine põhjuseks kaua uinunud, kuid kurikuulsa tapja. Keskuses tehtud vereanalüüsid ...Loe rohkem

5 raskelt teenitud õppetundi mineviku pandeemiast

Inimkond on vastupidav. Kuigi ülemaailmsed pandeemiad, nagu Buboonuse katk ja 1918. aasta pandeemia, tegid elanikkonnale laastamistööd läbi sajandite, lihvisid ühiskonnad kriitilisi ellujäämisstrateegiaid. Siin on viis viisi, kuidas inimesed haiguste puhangutega eluga kohanesid. 1. Karantiin Esimene ...Loe rohkem

Kui Ameerika õpilased käisid koolis - väljaspool

Sajandi koidikul oli tuberkuloos - muidu tuntud kui tarbimine, “valge katk” või “valge surm” - muutunud Ameerika Ühendriikide peamiseks surmapõhjuseks. Kardetud kopsuhaigus tappis hinnanguliselt 450 ameeriklast päevas, enamik neist vanuses 15–44 ...Loe rohkem

5 edusamme, mis järgnesid pandeemiale

Pandeemiad on inimkonna tsivilisatsioone läbi ajaloo laastanud. Kuid ülemaailmsed tervisekriisid on vallandanud ka kultuuri ja ühiskonna edusamme, muutes elu paremaks. Vee- ja kanalisatsioonisüsteemid paranesid ning paljastused tõid kaasa uuendusi haiguste leviku piiramisel, samuti ...Loe rohkem

Teise maailmasõja järgne buum: kuidas Ameerika jõudis käiku

1945. aasta suvel, kui II maailmasõda oli lõppemas, oli USA majandus ebakindla tuleviku äärel. Pärast president Franklin D. Roosevelti üleskutset 1940. aasta lõpus, et Ameerika Ühendriigid toimiksid „demokraatia arsenalina”, oli Ameerika tööstus kohtuma hakanud. ...Loe rohkem


Katkud ja pandeemiad: kui ajalugu kordub

Kui ajalooprofessor Dyan Elliott jaanuaris uut pandeemiatundi õpetama hakkas, ei osanud ta aimatagi, et kursus kujuneb tänapäeva pealkirjadeks.

Elliotti kursusel „Must surm ja muud pandeemiad” uuriti pandeemiatele ühiseid teemasid läbi aegade. Alates korduvatest buboonilise katku episoodidest kuni rõugete nuhtluseni kuni praeguse COVID-19 puhanguni on ajaloo õppetunnid õigeaegsed ja asjakohased.

Siin jagab Peter B. Ritzma humanitaarteaduste professor Elliott mõningaid neist õppetundidest ja oma inspiratsiooni klassist koos College ’s sisustrateegia abidirektori Rebecca Lindelliga.

Kas saate kirjeldada klassi ja seda, mida see hõlmab?

Olen hariduselt keskaegne ajaloolane ja püüdsin esialgu rohkem inimesi keskaegsete asjade vastu huvi äratada ning surm ja katastroof näivad müüvat. Must surm, mis tabas Euroopat aastatel 1347–1350, oli suurim pandeemia. Tegelikult on meil endiselt mustade katku puhangud, mis on musta surma eest vastutav haigus. Ja siis ma arvasin, et see kursus oleks atraktiivsem, kui see oleks riikidevaheline või võib -olla isegi trans -ajalooline: vaatame kõiki erinevaid pandeemiaid. Nii uurisime lisaks mustale surmale ka rõugeid, keskendudes peamiselt Uuele maailmale ja viisidele, kuidas Euroopa kolonistid tappisid Esimesed rahvad mürgitekkide ja muu sellisega. Ja siis uurisime koolerapuhanguid 19. sajandi keskpaigas Londonis ning 20. sajandi Venezuela ja Haiti tuberkuloosi ning sanatooriumi tõusu Euroopas ja USA malaariat ja sääski Indias ja Itaalias AIDSi Aafrikas ja Ameerika Ühendriikides jne. . Lõpetasime koroonaviirusega, kuigi me ilmselt ei plaaninud seda. Viimane klass pidi algselt olema Ebola.

Nii keskendus klass nii pandeemiate teaduslikele kui ka sotsiaalsetele aspektidele.

Alustaksin alati bakteri või viiruse kirjeldamisega. Aga ma ei ole arst. Mind huvitab rohkem ajalooline mõju sellele, mida need pandeemiad inimestele teevad ja kuidas nad reageerivad, ning õnnestumised ja ebaõnnestumised, mis meil aja jooksul on olnud. Tegelikult on ainus asi, millest me kunagi absoluutselt lahti oleme saanud, oli rõuged, mille Maailma Terviseorganisatsioon kuulutas ametlikult 1980. aastal likvideerituks. See on ainus, kellest oleme kunagi peksa saanud.

On ka palju muid haigusi, mida me ilmselt kunagi kõrvaldada ei suuda - näiteks mullikatk, millel on loomapopulatsioonides reservuaare, milleni me kunagi ei pääse. Ja siis on ka muid asju, mis on endiselt väljakutset tekitavad - näiteks viirused, mis pidevalt muteeruvad.

Mind võlub tõesti see, kuidas erinevad bakterid ja viirused töötavad elujõulisuse nimel väga kõvasti. Näiteks 19. sajandil oli koolera nii surmav, et selle inimperemehed surid väga kiiresti. Kuid see muteerus leebemaks vormiks 1960ndatel ja paljud kandjad olid asümptomaatilised, nagu me praegu COVID-19 puhul näeme. Inimesed, kes seda ei tea, saavad seda levitada. See juhtus ka Haiti kooleraga pärast 2010. aasta maavärinat. Seda levitasid ÜRO rahuvalvajad, kes ei teadnud, et on haiged või vähemalt ei teadnud, et neil on midagi nii tõsist kui koolera.

Mis teid katkude ja pandeemiate vastu üldse huvitas?

Ausalt öeldes oli mu esialgne mure see, et keegi ei pööranud tähelepanu kaugele minevikule. Tahtsin õpilastele näidata viise, kuidas minevik on endiselt meiega ja teavitab olevikku.

Ja me alustasime väga varakult. Esimest korda märgati buboonilist katku 7. sajandil Bütsantsi impeeriumi ajal. Keiser Justinianus püüdis vallutada Rooma impeeriumi lääneosa, mille olid vallutanud germaani barbarid. Nii et see on üks neist suurtest „mis siis, kui” küsimustest - kui Justinianuse armeed poleks mullkatk hävitanud, kas Rooma impeerium oleks taasühinenud? Kas oleks võinud jätkuda?

Haigus tekitab selliseid huvitavaid küsimusi. Võib -olla on see meie impeeriumi langemine. Me ei tea.

Mis puudutab inimeste pandeemiale reageerimise viise, siis millised teemad tunduvad ajaloo jooksul järjepidevad?

Eitamise ja süüdistamise nihutamine on üsna järjepidev.

Näiteks levis koolera algselt väljaheidete kaudu-vähemalt oli see klassikaline ehk nn “Aasia” koolera. Kuid vähem surmava vormi ilmnemisel väitis [Marylandi Ülikooli mikrobioloog] Rita Colwell, et see võib elada veevarustuses ilma inimese peremeheta, jäädes seisma ja seejärel teatud tingimustel süttima. Inimesed jäid selle teooria juurde, et selgitada koolerapuhangut Haitil. Kuid siis oli kogu see uuriv aruanne, mis näitas tegelikult, et oli olemas ÜRO baas, mis oli tegelikult väljaheiteid otse vette lasknud jõkke. Edasi-tagasi ja süüdistamist oli palju ning lõpuks võttis ÜRO küll vastutuse, kuid nad ei teinud kunagi mingit tagasimakset.

Ja nii kuuleme täna COVID-19 puhul palju vandenõuteooriaid. Mõned inimesed Hiinas ütlevad, et see võib olla Ameerika leiutis, samas kui president Trump on nimetanud seda "Hiina viiruseks" ja süüdistanud põgenenud laboreid. Alati püütakse teatud elanikkonnarühmi patuoinaks saada. Musta surma ajal süüdistas kristlik enamus juute kaevude mürgitamises. Kui 19. sajandi Indias oli katku puhang, süüdistasid nad vaeseid. AIDSi kriisi ajal süüdistasid evangeelsed kristlased geikogukonda, uskudes, et neid karistatakse nende patuste tegude eest.

Nii et inimesed tahavad pandeemiaid süüdistada.

Ma arvan küll. Või suruda süü endast eemale.

Teine asi, mis mulle väga huvitav tundub - ja me nägime seda iduteooria arenguga - on see, et näete inimesi pigem konkureerimas kui üksteisega koostööd tegemas. Näiteks 1800ndatel üritasid Louis Pasteur ja Robert Koch mõlemad korraga koolerale järele minna. Mõned Pasteuri mehed jäid 1883. aastal Egiptuses haigeks ja kui nad lõpuks koju naasid, said nad teada, et Koch kolis edasi Indiasse ja tegi läbimurde. Mida nad ei teinud, oli koostöö. Ja me nägime, et samalaadne võistlus toimub malaariaga inglaste ja itaallaste vahel, eurooplaste ja jaapanlaste vahel, kui avastati Yersinia Pestis (mullkatku patogeen), ja isegi ameeriklaste ja prantslaste vahel. AIDSi epideemia.

Nüüd räägime COVID-19 vaktsiini leidmisest. Loodan, et teadlaskond liigub edasi koostöövaimus, mitte veidral natsionalistlikul viisil, püüdes saada teaduslike läbimurrete eest au.

Kas me saame oma tulevikuväljavaadete kohta minevikust midagi positiivset välja lugeda?

Ma ütleksin, et paljuski ei muutu inimloomus. Inimesed püüavad alati tasakaalustada selliseid asju nagu ahnus ohutuse ja majanduse vahel. Näeme jõupingutusi piiride sulgemiseks ja karantiini panemiseks, kuid inimeste eemal hoidmine ei hoia pandeemiat tavaliselt eemale, kuigi sellel on teatav loogika. Sotsiaalne distantseerumine on tegelikult omamoodi suletud karantiin.

Nii palju hirme ja kahtlusi on mitte ainult haiguste, vaid ka meditsiini ümber. See näib olevat ka nende katkude ja pandeemiate ajal korduv teema.

See on õige. See on veel üks asi, mis ei muutu. Näiteks pole tõendeid selle kohta, et mõned reklaamitavad ravimid, nagu hüdroksüklorokviin, on kasulikud ja võivad potentsiaalselt palju kahju teha. Kuid inimesed on alati selliseid erinevaid nostrumeid välja mõelnud. Keskaegsetest allikatest leiate soovitusi happeliste asjade söömiseks, sest nad arvasid, et happed võivad mingil moel tappa kõik, mis kehas on, mis võib teile kahjustada. Ajalehed avaldasid inhalaatorite reklaame, milles lubati tuberkuloosi "ravida", kasutades mürgiseid pulbreid, nagu elavhõbedanitraat. Võib -olla tegutsesid mõned neist inimestest heas usus. Kuid ma arvan, et alati on olnud inimesi, kes haiguse ajal mõtlevad: "vau, ma saaksin siin tõesti varanduse teenida".

Ja eitamine. Alati on teatud määral eitamist, et see ei saa meile haiget teha, seda saab ohjeldada.

Kas see on pandeemiate puhul tavaline? Esialgne tunne, et oleme kuidagi immuunsed?

Huvitaval kombel mitte nii palju musta surmaga. See oli nii enneolematu ja nii kiire, et elanikkond oli šokis. Tundus, et haigus ei säästa kedagi. Seda peeti Jumala karistuseks inimkonna patususe eest. Kuid ajalooliselt näeme, et rikkad inimesed suudavad haigustest isoleerida tõhusamalt kui vaesed, nii et võib -olla saavad nad endale eitamise lubada. Isegi musta surma esimesel kiirusel näitavad andmed, et aadli liikmed ja kõrgemad vaimulikud kerkisid võrdlusega enam -vähem vigastamata.

Rõuged olid ilmselt egalitaarsemad. Kuid kui eurooplastel oli puutumatus, said nad seda kasutada bioloogilise relvana Esimeste rahvaste vastu ja seda nad tegid. Üldiselt kaitseb rikkus teid teatud asjade eest. Kolera põhjuseks on halb veevarustus. Ja kellel on halvad veevarud? Vaene, eks?

Ja nüüd saate oma sihtnumbri põhjal ennustada, millised inimesed saavad COVID-19 kõige rohkem kannatada. Nii saavad rikkad end sageli nende kohutavate sotsiaalsete tragöödiate vastu pehmendada.

Kas näete mustrit, kuidas pandeemiad lõpevad? Kuidas nad lõpuks kontrolli alla saavad?

McKeowni tees viitab sellele, et suurimad edusammud tervishoius on toimunud mitte meditsiini, vaid rahvatervise ja kanalisatsiooni parandamise kaudu. Selles on palju tõde. Näiteks koolera likvideerimine seisneb tõesti hea hügieeni järgimises ja veevarustuse tagamises. Ja mingil määral võib öelda, et COVID-19 tekkis rahvatervise ebaõnnestumiste tõttu-Hiina märgade turgude ja ülerahvastatud linnade kaudu kogu maailmas.

Kuid COVID-19 tundub kummaliselt nakkav. Tundub, et viirus võib tõesti pikka aega iseseisvalt elada. See pole täiesti uudne. Pärast seda, kui keskaegne rott oli nakatunud näiteks mullkatkuga, võis teda nakatanud kirp mitu päeva vankritäie heinaga ellu jääda. Kuid ikkagi, et viirus saaks roostevabast terasest või plastist nii kaua elada, nagu koroonaviirus ilmselt suudab - see on hämmastav. See näitab, kui "nutikad" viirused tunduvad olevat. Nad ei ole tegelikult elus, kuid võtavad elu. Kui nad rakku tungivad, siis nad paljunevad ja paljunevad.

Tundub, et oleme pandeemiaga võitlemiseks sisuliselt oma ühiskonna ja majanduse sulgenud. Kas eelmised ühiskonnad peatusid iga kord, kui tekkis mullkatk?

Musta surma levis kaubandus ja tegelikult toimus kolme -nelja aasta jooksul mingi sotsiaalne lagunemine, kui asjad olid tõesti halvasti.

Seda näete Giovanni Boccaccio „Dekameronis“, mis valmis 1353. aastal musta surma järel. See algab Firenze musta surma väga graafilise ja kohutava kirjeldusega. Katku eest pääsemiseks tõusis rühm aristokraate (mis Itaalias oli kaupmeeste klass) oma hobuste selga ja ratsutasid maha mahajäetud villasse, kus nad istusid üksteisele lugusid rääkides. Nii et nad polnud kindlasti linnas tavapärast äri ajamas.

Ja buboonilise katku puhul on see see, et see on piirkonnale endeemiline, nii et see korduks sajandeid, tekitades alati majanduslikku laastamist. Kui mullikatk 17. sajandi Barcelonas kordus, pandi linn karantiini ja kõik peatus.

Kuidas võtsite COVID-19 tekkimise klassi sisse?

Jäime enamasti ainekava juurde. Kui kursus märtsi alguses lõppes, ei teadnud me viirusest palju: see sai äsja nimeks COVID-19 ja president Trump nimetas seda endiselt "pettuseks". Nii et ma rääkisin uudistekajastusest: viiruse geograafiline levik, nende tohutute kruiisilaevade olukord, viiruse levik kogu selles Lõuna -Korea kirikus jne. Näitasin neile mitmeid uudislõike ja siis veerandi lõpu tähistamiseks mõni tort. Seal oli kirjas “Pandeemia 2020” ja sellel oli väike punane koroonaviirus. Nüüd, kui asjad on nii halvasti, tundub, et mul on väga õudne huumorimeel.

Kuid keegi ei teadnud, kui halvaks asjad lähevad - ehkki oleksin pidanud seda kursust õpetades teadma. Korraldasin lugemisnädalal ülevaatustundi, kuid siis hakkasime saama teateid, et eksamid on vabatahtlikud, ja peagi öeldi meile, et kevadveerandit õpetatakse kaugjuhtimisega.

Kas õpetate klassi uuesti?

Olen puhkusel aastatel 2020-21, kuid pakun seda järgmisel aastal. Olen kindel, et on tulihingeline rühm, kes on valmis kuulma pandeemiatest. Tundus küll imelikult juhuslik, et ma sel aastal klassi õpetasin, arvestades, et olen keskaja ajaloolane, kes üldiselt töötab kirikuajalooga. Kuid ma tahtsin õpetada klassi, mis näitaks, et kauge minevik on väga huvitav ja asjakohane. Ja ma arvan, et see kursus tegi seda.

Pilt: Rita Greer, Suur katk 1665 (2009). Digitaalne pilt, mis on litsentsitud tasuta kunstilitsentsi alusel.

Jagage oma lugu

Kui olete Weinbergi kunstide ja teaduste kolledži vilistlane või üliõpilane, Anna meile teada kuidas reageerite pandeemiale.


Viited

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Pandeemia ja ajalugu

Neli ajaloolast kaaluvad, kas pandeemia kogemus on muutnud nende vaateid ajalooliste kriiside olemusele.

"Viimane aasta on rõhutanud sündmuste omavahelist olemust"

Alex von Tunzelmann, Autor Veri ja liiv: Suess, Ungari ja maailma raputanud kriis (Simon & amp; Schuster, 2016)

Rangelt vastus sellele küsimusele on eitav: selle pandeemia faktid ja vastus ei ole muutnud varasemate kriiside fakte ega olemust. Laiemas plaanis on aga globaalse kriisi reaalajas arenemise jälgimine pannud mind mõtlema sellele, kuidas lähenen ajaloolistele kriisidele kolmel viisil: keskendumine, seosed ja kogemuste mitmekesisus.

Kriiside olemus on see, et need on uskumatult keerulised. Suessi kriisi kuum periood kestis umbes 16 päeva. Mul kulus selle uurimiseks ja kirjutamiseks rohkem kui kolm aastat, sest kogu maailmas oli kaasatud nii palju erinevaid jõude ja huve: see langes kokku Ungari mässuga, ähvardades tõmmata Nõukogude Liidu ja USA kolmandasse maailmasõja. Tulevased ajaloolased peavad pandeemia rekonstrueerima ülemaailmsest teabemäest, sealhulgas sotsiaalmeediast ja tavameediast. Minu nõuanne neile (ja mulle endale) on keskenduda, parem on rääkida üks lugu hästi kui olla materjalist ülekoormatud.

Viimase aasta kogemused on toonud esile kriisisündmuste omavahelise olemuse. Näiteks olen huvitatud vandenõuteooriate ja eitamise fenomenist, mis ilmneb paljudes ajaloolistes kriisides. Raske oleks rääkida lugu Covidi eitajatest, ilma et see oleks juurdunud vaxx-vastase liikumise viimase paarikümne aasta jooksul, vandenõuteooriate laienemine, traditsioonilise meedia erosioon, valitsuse usalduse vähenemine ja nii edasi . Kriiside ja kriisile reageerimise olemus on see, et need ei toimu vaakumis. Nende seoste uurimine muudab ajaloolase fookuse säilitamise veelgi raskemaks, kuid see on osa väljakutsest.

Lõpetuseks kogemuste mitmekesisus. Pandeemia on toonud paljudele kannatusi. Ometi on suur hulk inimesi, kes on selle suhtes üsna ükskõiksed. On neid, kes on pandeemiast materiaalselt kasu saanud, ja neid, kes püüavad selle mõju eitada või minimeerida. Varasemate kriiside ajaloolastele meenutab see, et inimlood pole kunagi lihtsad, me ei tohi kunagi eeldada ühte vastust. Inimeste kogemuste ja arvamuste olemus on alati hämmastavalt erinev.

"See on süvendanud minu arusaamist emotsionaalsest reageerimisest sellistele sündmustele"

Jessie Childs, Autor Jumala reeturid: terror ja usk Elizabethi ajal Inglismaal (Vintage, 2014)

Kui põletatud St Sepulchre'i kiriku pidurid kogunesid pärast Londoni suurt tulekahju 1666. aastal, leidsid nad väga kiiresti mitu asja: uue kohtumisviisi, kõige haavatavamate pensionäride nimekirja ja turvameetmete kogumi. Nad asustasid tänavad uuesti, panid paika tuletõrjeautod ja vormistasid sulanud kellametalli „kõlavateks ja häälestatavateks kelladeks”.

Need impulsid - koonduda, kaitsta ja kogukonnana kokku tulla - on pandeemia poolt kordatud. Alates Briti ukselaudade plaksutamisest kuni Itaalia rõdudelt laulmiseni campanilismo (lojaalsus kellatornile) on olnud tugev. Pandeemia on tugevdanud ka arvamust, et enamik inimesi, kui nad seisavad silmitsi eksistentsiaalse ohuga, eelistavad turvalisust vabaduse ees. Hobbes on endiselt oluline.

Pole ka üllatav, et pandeemia on paljastanud ja süvendanud ühiskonna pragusid ning põhjustanud täiendavat stressi majandusele, tervishoiule ja haridusele. Seetõttu ei ole see muutnud minu vaateid ajalooliste kriiside olemusele, mis on igal juhul mitmekesised, juhuslikud ja raskesti destilleeritavad, kuid on süvendanud minu arusaamist selliste sündmuste emotsionaalsetest reaktsioonidest.

Kogu sulgemise ajal olen kirjutanud 1640ndate Briti kodusõdadest. Looduslike ja inimtegevusest tingitud tegurite kombinatsioon muutis 17. sajandi Geoffrey Parkeri väljendiga „globaalseks kriisiks”. Need, kes selle üle elasid, tunduvad vahel raudsed mehed ja naised. Nüüd on lihtsam hinnata nende viha, segadust, kadedust, näilist apaatiat ja erakordset vastupidavust. Olles maadlenud koduõppega, olen andestavam registrite ja päevikute lünkade suhtes. Kaasaegsed rääkisid oma „hajameelsetest” aegadest. Ma arvasin alati, et see on eufemism, kuid nüüd mõistan, et see on täpselt õige sõna.

Varasemad kriisid näitavad, et linnad ja osariigid võivad katastroofi tuhast tõusta, kuid see nõuab inspireeritud juhtimist ja kohutavalt palju tööd. Briti testimis- ja jälgimisskeem oli kurnav, vaktsiini kasutuselevõtt suurepärane. Võib juhtuda, et saame loosungi kohaselt „paremini tagasi ehitada”, leida uue tasakaalu ja võib -olla isegi kergemini maa peale astuda. Aga siinkohal on veel vara öelda.

"See paneb mind mõtlema, mis praegu toimub, on teistsugune"

Anthony Barnett, Autor Suuruse meelitus: Inglismaa Brexit ja Ameerika Trump (Piiranguteta, 2017)

Jah ja ei. Ei: ajaloolised kriisid olid nagu nad olid. Pandeemia tavaliselt tugevneb, kuid ei muuda olemasolevaid valitsemisvorme. Välja arvatud must surm, mis näib kaotuste ulatuse tõttu muutnud töö väärtust, ei muuda loodusõnnetused, nagu nuhtlused, ühiskonna olemust. Need on väljakutse, mis võimendab olemasolevaid probleeme, kuid ei kujuta endast süsteemset kriisi.

Nii peeti 20. sajandil pandeemiaid ikkagi saatuseks: aastatel 1919–22 toimunud gripipandeemia tappis rohkem inimesi kui Esimene maailmasõda, kuid jättis vähe püsivat pärandit. Samamoodi pandeemiad aastatel 1957 ja 1968. Kui te pole neist kuulnud, tõestab see asjaolu. AIDS ja Ebola olid mõjutatud kogukondadele surmavad, kuid neist ei saanud ajaloolist kriisi.

See pandeemia on teistsugune. See ei ole viinud mind muutma oma vaadet minevikus toimunu kohta, kuid paneb mind mõtlema, et praegu toimuv on teistsugune.

Kuni viimase ajani oli võimalik teha vaid aeglast nakatumismäära: fatalism oli vältimatu. Kui inimkond muutus võimeliseks tõeliseks eneseorganiseerimiseks, tekkis fatalismikultus, et kaitsta valitsejaid populaarse tegutsemisvõime eest. Seda nimetati „turufundamentalismiks“ või „neoliberalismiks“, rõhutades, et probleem on valitsuses ja parema elu saavutamiseks tuleb kuulda võtta turujõude.

Majanduslikult lõppes selle edu aastate 2008–2009 finantskriisiga. Nüüd on poliitiliselt ja sotsiaalselt mikroorganismi poolt hegemoonilise valitsemisteooria ümber lükatud. Tohutud edusammud arstiteaduses ja -tehnoloogias tähendasid, et Covidi saab ravida. 1919. aastal puudusid intensiivraviosakonnad, mis suudaksid ravida alla 24-tunnise sedatsiooni. Seetõttu ei olnud ohtu, et elupäästvad hoolealused saavad samamoodi ülekoormatud. Valitsused pidid tegutsema.

President Macron on öelnud: „Me riigistame peaaegu kõigi oma ettevõtete palgad ja kasumiaruanded. See on kõigi dogmade vastu, kuid nii see on. ”Pärast intensiivravi ajal tehtud vana korra taastamist tehakse suuri jõupingutusi, kuid tõenäoliselt ei muutu see uuesti muutumatuna-pandeemia on tekitanud ajaloolise kriisi omaette.

„Pandeemia on muutnud 16. sajandil uues maailmas toimunud katastroofi elavamaks”

Camilla Townsend, Autor Viies päike: asteekide uus ajalugu (Oxfordi ülikooli kirjastus, 2019)

Pandeemia üleelamine on muutnud 16. sajandil uues maailmas ilmnenud katastroofi elavamaks. Pärast kokkupuudet Euroopa ja selle viirustega vähenes Ameerika põliselanike arv esimese sajandi jooksul vähemalt 85 protsenti. 1580. aastateks kartsid mõned hispaanlased, et sõna otseses mõttes surevad kõik põliselanikud.

Selle kohutava konteksti tõttu on paljudel tänapäeva inimestel olnud kalduvus rääkida surmast, väita, et epideemia korral hukkub umbes pool elanikkonnast, või isegi seletada vallutamist selle tagajärjel. asjaolu, et nii palju inimesi oli haigustesse suremas, et nad ei suutnud sõjaliselt vastu hakata.

Kuid asteekikeelsed ajalood ei räägi sündmustest sel viisil. Selle asemel väljendavad nad püsivat kurbust. Nüüd saan paremini aru, miks.

Kuigi eelmisel aastal leevendas suurem osa maailmast suhteliselt edukalt inimesi kodus hoides, leidus taskuid, kus näiteks New Yorgi teatud piirkondades tekkis Covidi täielik kaheprotsendiline suremus või New Jersey ruutplokkides. Ma elan. Sireenide heli, minu õpilaste perede lood ja minu hirm lähedaste ees tekitasid mul traumat. Kuid paar kuud hiljem oli enamiku meist elu jätkunud ja me otsisime taas võimalusi naerda. Meie naeratused olid värisevad, kuid ehtsad.

16. sajandil võisid rõuged tappa 20–30 protsenti haigestunutest. Tavalisemate haiguste, näiteks läkaköha või leetrite, suremus oli madalam. Puudus surm, mis jättis terved linnad üleöö tühjaks. Selle asemel läbisid inimesed midagi, nagu leevendamata Covid, siis paar aastat hiljem, Covid, kuid kümme korda hullem, siis järgmisel aastal, halb gripihooaeg, siis kümne aasta pärast midagi kaks korda hullemat. Pärast seda aastakümneid tundsid nad end nii haavatavana, et nende psüühika ei teadnud, kuhu poole pöörduda. Nad keskendusid väikestele võitudele. 1620ndate aastate väikeses kirikus tehtud rekordis kirjutas mees: „Täna ei surnud kellegi laps.” Ellujäänud naersid mõnikord järgmisel aastal, kuid selleks ajaks oli nende enesetunne universumi suhtes igaveseks muutunud.


1858-1859: sarlakid

Scarlet palavik tappis Massachusettsis ajavahemikus 1858 - detsember 1859 2089 inimest, kellest enamik olid 16 -aastased või nooremad. Mõned lapsed olid hõivatud, kuid tööjõud ületas 450 000 inimest, nii et epideemia mõju oli emotsionaalsem kui majanduslik. Need, kes olid haige karantiini all, kuid terved inimesed, jätkasid tavapärast tööd.

Bostoni aktsiaturg oli kogu 1859. aastal pullirežiimis. Enamik pankade ja mõned kindlustusaktsiad jäid vahemikku, kuid teised kindlustusandjad, sealhulgas Ameerika, Boston, Boylston, City ja Commercial, olid tugevas tõusus. Lisaks tõusis Bostoni ja Lowelli raudtee aastaga 89 dollarilt 98 dollarile aktsia kohta ning Bostoni ja Providence'i ning Bostoni ja Worcesteri raudteed tõusid tagasihoidlikult.

Aasta suurim kasum oli töötlevas tööstuses. Amoskeag tõusis aastaga 890 dollarilt 1000 dollarile aktsia kohta, Appleton 950 dollarilt 1000 dollarile, Bates 85 dollarilt 106 dollarile, Boott 470 dollarilt 725 dollarile, Boston ja Roxbury Milli tamm 29 dollarilt 50 dollarile ning Bostoni part 375 dollarilt 500 dollarile.


Võrreldes COVID-19 varasemate pandeemiatega

Selles artiklis vaatame tagasi mõnele teisele pandeemiale, mida inimesed on talunud. Uurime teiste hulgas koolerat, musta surma ja Hispaania grippi. Märgime kõik sarnasused ja võtame võimaluse korral õppetunde.

Jagage Pinterestis Kuigi COVID-19 pole midagi sellist, mida enamik meist pole kunagi varem kogenud, pole pandeemia midagi uut.

Pandeemiad on mänginud rolli inimkonna ajaloo kujundamisel läbi aegade. Vähesed inimesed, kes seda täna loevad, mäletavad selle skaala puhanguid, kuid ajalugu näitab meile, et kuigi see on laastav, pole see, mida me praegu kogeme, midagi ebatavalist.

Selguse huvides tasub selgitada, mida tähendab pandeemia. Maailma Terviseorganisatsioon (WHO) määratleb pandeemia kui „uue haiguse leviku kogu maailmas”.

Esiteks puudutame teist käimasolevat pandeemiat.

Tänu lääneriikide ravi, teabe, diagnostiliste võimaluste ja järelevalve tohutule paranemisele on lihtne unustada, et eksperdid klassifitseerivad HIV -i endiselt pandeemiaks.

Alates 1980ndate algusest on HIV nõudnud üle 32 miljoni inimese elu. Aasta lõpus elas HIV -iga umbes 37,9 miljonit inimest.

Kuigi HIV -i põhjustab ka viirus, on kahe praeguse pandeemia vahel olulisi erinevusi, millest kõige ilmsem on nende levimisviis. Erinevalt SARS-CoV-2-st, mis on COVID-19 põhjustav viirus, ei saa HIV üle kanda köha ja aevastamise teel.

Võrreldes levib COVID-19 kogukondades palju kergemini. Mõne nädala jooksul jõudis SARS-CoV-2 kõikidele maailmajagudele, välja arvatud Antarktika.

Teine oluline erinevus on see, et praegu pole ravimeid, mis suudaksid ravida või ennetada COVID-19. Although there is no vaccine for HIV, thanks to antiretroviral medications, people who have access to care can now live long and healthy lives.

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), between April 2009 and April 2010, the swine flu pandemic affected an estimated 60.8 million people. There were an estimated 274,304 hospitalizations and 12,469 deaths.

Both swine flu and the novel coronavirus cause symptoms such as fever, chills, a cough, and headaches.

Like SARS-CoV-2, the (H1N1)pdm09 virus was also significantly different from other known strains. This meant that most people did not have any natural immunity.

Interestingly, however, some older adults did have immunity, suggesting that (H1N1)pdm09 or something similar might have infected large numbers of people a few decades before. Because of this immunity, 80% of fatalities occurred in people younger than 65.

This is not the case with SARS-CoV-2 all age groups seem to be equally likely to contract it, and older adults are most at risk of developing severe illness. It is possible that certain groups of people have a level of immunity against SARS-CoV-2, but researchers have not yet identified such a group.

The overall mortality rate of swine flu was around 0.02% . According to recent estimates, which are likely to change as the pandemic progresses, this is somewhat lower than that of COVID-19. Also, swine flu was less contagious than COVID-19.

The basic reproduction number (R0) of swine flu is 1.4 to 1.6 . This means that each individual with swine flu is likely to transmit the virus to an average of 1.4 to 1.6 people. In contrast, scientists believe that the R0 of COVID-19 is between 2 and 2.5 , or perhaps higher.

To further muddy the water, some experts have calculated that the R0 number may fluctuate depending on the size of the initial outbreak.

Over the past 200 years, cholera has reached pandemic proportions seven times. Experts class the cholera outbreak of 1961–1975 as the seventh pandemic.

Cholera is a bacterial infection of the small intestine by certain strains of Vibrio cholerae. It can be fatal within hours . The most common symptom is diarrhea, though muscle cramps and vomiting can also occur.

Although immediate rehydration treatment is successful in up to 80% of cases, the mortality rate of cholera can be up to 50% without treatment. This is many times higher than even the highest estimates for COVID-19. Cholera occurs when a person ingests contaminated food or water.

The seventh pandemic was caused by a strain of V. koolerad called El Tor, which scientists first identified in 1905. The outbreak appears to have begun on the island of Sulawesi in Indonesia. From there, it spread to Bangladesh, India, and the Soviet Union, including Ukraine and Azerbaijan.

By 1973, the outbreak had also reached Japan, Italy, and the South Pacific. In the 1990s, though the pandemic had officially ended, the same strain reached Latin America, a region that had not experienced cholera for 100 years. There, there were at least 400,000 cases and 4,000 deaths.

As with COVID-19, hand-washing is essential for stopping the spread of cholera. However, to prevent cholera , access to safe water and good food hygiene are just as important.

In the spring of 1918, health professionals detected an H1N1 virus in United States military personnel.

From January 1918 to December 1920, this virus — which appears to have moved from birds to humans — infected an estimated 500 million people. This equates to 1 in 3 people on Earth. The virus killed around 675,000 people in the U.S. alone and approximately 50 million people worldwide.

This strain of influenza, like COVID-19, was transmitted through respiratory droplets.

As with COVID-19, older adults were most at risk of developing severe symptoms. However, in stark contrast to COVID-19, the Spanish flu also impacted children under the age of 5 and adults aged 20–40.

In fact, a 25-year-old was more likely to die from the Spanish flu than a 74-year-old. This is unusual for flu.

COVID-19, however, generally affects children in relatively minor ways, and adults aged 20–40 are significantly less likely to develop severe symptoms than older adults.

As with swine flu, it may be that older adults at this time had a preexisting immunity to a similar pathogen. Perhaps the 1889–1890 flu pandemic, which was referred to as the Russian flu, afforded some protection to those who survived it.

Additionally, some scientists believe that younger people’s vigorous immune responses might have led to more severe lung symptoms due to “ exuberant pulmonary exudation .” In other words, the strong immune responses of young people may produce excess fluid in the lungs, making breathing even more difficult.

At the time, there were no vaccines to prevent the disease and no antibiotics to treat the bacterial infections that sometimes developed alongside it. The virulent nature of this particular H1N1 strain and the lack of medication available made this the most severe pandemic in recent history.

The pandemic came in two waves, with the second being more deadly than the first. However, rather abruptly, the virus disappeared.

The Spanish flu had a mortality rate of around 2.5% . It is difficult to compare that with COVID-19 because estimates vary by region.

To understand why mortality rates are so difficult to calculate, Medical News Today recently published an article on the topic.

A different time

The Spanish flu’s high mortality rate was, in part, due to the virulence of the virus.

Social differences also played a role. In 1918, people tended to live in close quarters and perhaps did not value hygiene as much. These factors can influence how quickly a virus spreads and how lethal it can be.

Also, the world was at war, meaning that large numbers of troops were traveling to distant locations, which aided the spread.

During World War I, malnutrition was common for both those at home and those on the frontline. This is yet another factor that may have made people more susceptible to disease.

The Spanish flu and physical distancing

Although the Spanish flu pandemic has many differences to today’s COVID-19 pandemic, it teaches us a valuable lesson about the effectiveness of quickly implementing physical distancing measures, or social distancing measures.

In Philadelphia, PA, officials downplayed the significance of the first cases in the city. Mass gatherings continued and schools remained open. The city only implemented physical distancing and other measures around 14 days after the first cases appeared.

In contrast, within 2 days of its first reported cases, St. Louis, MI, moved quickly to implement physical distancing measures.

As one author writes, “The costs of [Philadelphia’s] delay appear to have been significant by the time Philadelphia responded, it faced an epidemic considerably larger than the epidemic St. Louis faced.”


Pandemics and the Shape of Human History

Outbreaks have sparked riots and propelled public-health innovations, prefigured revolutions and redrawn maps.

What’s often referred to as the first pandemic began in the city of Pelusium, near modern-day Port Said, in northeastern Egypt, in the year 541. According to the historian Procopius, who was alive at the time, the “pestilence” spread both west, toward Alexandria, and east, toward Palestine. Then it kept on going. In his view, it seemed to move almost consciously, “as if fearing lest some corner of the earth might escape it.”

The earliest symptom of the pestilence was fever. Often, Procopius observed, this was so mild that it did not “afford any suspicion of danger.” But, within a few days, victims developed the classic symptoms of bubonic plague—lumps, or buboes, in their groin and under their arms. The suffering at that point was terrible some people went into a coma, others into violent delirium. Many vomited blood. Those who attended to the sick “were in a state of constant exhaustion,” Procopius noted. “For this reason everybody pitied them no less than the sufferers.” No one could predict who was going to perish and who would pull through.

In early 542, the plague struck Constantinople. At that time, the city was the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire, which was led by the Emperor Justinian. A recent assessment calls Justinian “one of the greatest statesmen who ever lived.” Another historian describes the first part of his reign—he ruled for almost forty years—as “a flurry of action virtually unparalleled in Roman history.” In the fifteen years before the pestilence reached the capital, Justinian codified Roman law, made peace with the Persians, overhauled the Eastern Empire’s fiscal administration, and built the Hagia Sophia.

As the plague raged, it fell to Justinian, in Procopius’ words, to “make provision for the trouble.” The Emperor paid for the bodies of the abandoned and the destitute to be buried. Even so, it was impossible to keep up the death toll was too high. (Procopius thought it reached more than ten thousand a day, though no one is sure if this is accurate.) John of Ephesus, another contemporary of Justinian’s, wrote that “nobody would go out of doors without a tag upon which his name was written,” in case he was suddenly stricken. Eventually, bodies were just tossed into fortifications at the edge of the city.

The plague hit the powerless and the powerful alike. Justinian himself contracted it. Among the lucky, he survived. His rule, however, never really recovered. In the years leading up to 542, Justinian’s generals had reconquered much of the western part of the Roman Empire from the Goths, the Vandals, and other assorted barbarians. After 542, the Emperor struggled to recruit soldiers and to pay them. The territories that his generals had subdued began to revolt. The plague reached the city of Rome in 543, and seems to have made it all the way to Britain by 544. It broke out again in Constantinople in 558, a third time in 573, and yet again in 586.

The Justinianic plague, as it became known, didn’t burn itself out until 750. By that point, there was a new world order. A powerful new religion, Islam, had arisen, and its followers ruled territory that included a great deal of what had been Justinian’s empire, along with the Arabian Peninsula. Much of Western Europe, meanwhile, had come under the control of the Franks. Rome had been reduced to about thirty thousand people, roughly the population of present-day Mamaroneck. Was the pestilence partly responsible? If so, history is written not only by men but also by microbes.

Just as there are many ways for microbes to infect a body, there are many ways for epidemics to play out in the body politic. Epidemics can be short-lived or protracted, or, like the Justinianic plague, recurrent. Often, they partner with war sometimes the pairing favors the aggressor, sometimes the aggressed. Epidemic diseases can become endemic, which is to say constantly present, only to become epidemic again when they’re carried to a new region or when conditions change.

To this last category belongs smallpox, dubbed the speckled monster, which may have killed more than a billion people before it was eradicated, in the mid-twentieth century. No one knows exactly where smallpox originated the virus—part of the genus that includes cowpox, camelpox, and monkeypox—is believed to have first infected humans around the time that people began domesticating animals. Signs of smallpox have been found in Egyptian mummies, including Ramses V, who died in 1157 B.C. The Romans seem to have picked up the pox near present-day Baghdad, when they went to fight one of their many enemies, the Parthians, in 162. The Roman physician Galen reported that those who came down with the new disease suffered a rash that was “ulcerated in most cases and totally dry.” (The epidemic is sometimes referred to as the Plague of Galen.) Marcus Aurelius, the last of the so-called Five Good Emperors, who died in 180, may also have been a smallpox victim.

By the fifteenth century, as Joshua S. Loomis reports in “Epidemics: The Impact of Germs and Their Power Over Humanity” (Praeger), smallpox had become endemic throughout Europe and Asia, meaning that most people were probably exposed to it at some point in their lives. Over all, the fatality rate was a terrifying thirty per cent, but among young children it was much higher—more than ninety per cent in some places. Loomis, a professor of biology at East Stroudsburg University, writes that the danger was so grave that “parents would commonly wait to name their children until after they had survived smallpox.” Anyone who made it through acquired permanent immunity (though many were left blind or horribly scarred). This dynamic meant that every generation or so there was a major outbreak, as the number of people who had managed to avoid getting infected as children slowly rose. It also meant, as Loomis rather cavalierly observes, that Europeans enjoyed a major advantage as they “began exploring distant lands and interacting with native populations.”

Alfred W. Crosby, the historian who coined the phrase “the Columbian Exchange,” also coined the term “virgin soil epidemic,” defined as one in which “the populations at risk have had no previous contact with the diseases that strike them and are therefore immunologically almost defenseless.” The first “virgin soil epidemic” in the Americas—or, to use another one of Crosby’s formulations, “the first New World pandemic”—began toward the end of 1518. That year, someone, presumably from Spain, carried smallpox to Hispaniola. This was a quarter of a century after Columbus ran aground on the island, and the native Taíno population had already been much reduced. The speckled monster laid waste to those who remained. Two friars, writing to the King of Spain, Charles I, in early 1519, reported that a third of the island’s inhabitants were stricken: “It has pleased Our Lord to bestow a pestilence of smallpox among the said Indians, and it does not cease.” From Hispaniola, smallpox spread to Puerto Rico. Within two years, it had reached the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán, in what’s now Mexico City, a development that allowed Hernán Cortés to conquer the capital, in 1521. A Spanish priest wrote, “In many places it happened that everyone in a house died, and, as it was impossible to bury the great number of dead, they pulled down the houses over them.” Smallpox seems to have reached the Incan Empire before the Spaniards did the infection raced from one settlement to the next faster than the conquistadores could travel.

It’s impossible to say how many people died in the first New World pandemic, both because the records are sketchy and because Europeans also brought with them so many other “virgin soil” diseases, including measles, typhoid, and diphtheria. In all, the imported microbes probably killed tens of millions of people. “The discovery of America was followed by possibly the greatest demographic disaster in the history of the world,” William M. Denevan, a professor emeritus at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, has written. This disaster changed the course of history not just in Europe and the Americas but also in Africa: faced with a labor shortage, the Spanish increasingly turned to the slave trade.

The word “quarantine” comes from the Italian quaranta, meaning “forty.” As Frank M. Snowden explains in “Epidemics and Society: From the Black Death to the Present” (Yale), the practice of quarantine originated long before people understood what, exactly, they were trying to contain, and the period of forty days was chosen not for medical reasons but for scriptural ones, “as both the Old and New Testaments make multiple references to the number forty in the context of purification: the forty days and forty nights of the flood in Genesis, the forty years of the Israelites wandering in the wilderness . . . and the forty days of Lent.”

The earliest formal quarantines were a response to the Black Death, which, between 1347 and 1351, killed something like a third of Europe and ushered in what’s become known as the “second plague pandemic.” As with the first, the second pandemic worked its havoc fitfully. Plague would spread, then abate, only to flare up again.

During one such flareup, in the fifteenth century, the Venetians erected lazarettos—or isolation wards—on outlying islands, where they forced arriving ships to dock. The Venetians believed that by airing out the ships they were dissipating plague-causing vapors. If the theory was off base, the results were still salubrious forty days gave the plague time enough to kill infected rats and sailors. Snowden, a professor emeritus at Yale, calls such measures one of the first forms of “institutionalized public health” and argues that they helped legitimatize the “accretion of power” by the modern state.

There’s a good deal of debate about why the second pandemic finally ended one of the last major outbreaks in Europe occurred in Marseille in 1720. But, whether efforts at control were effective or not, they often provoked, as Snowden puts it, “evasion, resistance, and riot.” Public-health measures ran up against religion and tradition, as, of course, they still do. The fear of being separated from loved ones prompted many families to conceal cases. And, in fact, those charged with enforcing the rules often had little interest in protecting the public.

Consider the case of cholera. In the ranks of dread diseases, cholera might come in third, after the plague and smallpox. Cholera is caused by a comma-shaped bacterium, Vibrio cholerae, and for most of human history it was restricted to the Ganges Delta. Then, in the eighteen-hundreds, steamships and colonialism sent Vibrio cholerae travelling. The first cholera pandemic broke out in 1817 near Calcutta. It moved overland to modern-day Thailand and by ship to Oman, whence it was carried down to Zanzibar. The second cholera pandemic began in 1829, once again in India. It wound its way through Russia into Europe and from there to the United States.

In contrast to plague and smallpox, which made few class distinctions, cholera, which is spread via contaminated food or water, is primarily a disease of urban slums. When the second pandemic struck Russia, Tsar Nicholas I established strict quarantines. These may have slowed the spiral of spread, but they did nothing to help those already infected. The situation, according to Loomis, was exacerbated by health officials who indiscriminately threw together cholera victims and people suffering from other ailments. It was rumored that doctors were purposefully trying to kill off the sick. In the spring of 1831, riots broke out in St. Petersburg. One demonstrator returning from a melee reported that a doctor had “got a coupl’ve rocks in the neck he sure won’t forget us for a long time.” The following spring, cholera riots broke out in Liverpool. Once again, doctors were the main targets they were accused of poisoning cholera victims and turning them blue. (Cholera has been called the “blue death” because those suffering from the disease can get so dehydrated that their skin becomes slate-colored.) Similar riots broke out in Aberdeen, Glasgow, and Dublin.

In 1883, during the fifth cholera pandemic, the German physician Robert Koch established the cause of the disease by isolating the Vibrio cholerae bacterium. The following year, the pandemic hit Naples. The city dispatched inspectors to confiscate suspect produce. It also sent out disinfection squads, which arrived at the city’s tenements with guns drawn. Neapolitans were, understandably, skeptical of both the inspectors and the squads. They responded with an impressive sense of humor, if not necessarily a keen understanding of epidemiology. Demonstrators showed up at city hall with baskets of overripe figs and melons. They proceeded, Snowden writes, “to consume the forbidden fruit in enormous quantities while those who watched applauded and bet on which binger would eat the most.”

Eight years later, while the fifth pandemic raged on, one of the most violent cholera riots broke out in what’s now the Ukrainian city of Donetsk. Scores of shops were looted, and homes and businesses were burned. The authorities in St. Petersburg responded to the violence by cracking down on workers accused of promoting “lawlessness.” According to Loomis, the crackdown prompted more civil unrest, which in turn prompted more repression, and, thus, in a roundabout sort of way, cholera helped “set the stage” for the Russian Revolution.

The seventh cholera pandemic began in 1961, on the Indonesian island of Sulawesi. During the next decade, it spread to India, the Soviet Union, and several nations in Africa. There were no mass outbreaks for the next quarter century, but then one hit Peru in 1991, claiming thirty-five hundred lives another outbreak, in what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in 1994, claimed twelve thousand.

By most accounts, the seventh pandemic is ongoing. In October, 2010, cholera broke out in rural Haiti, then quickly spread to Port-au-Prince and other major cities. This was nine months after a magnitude-7.0 earthquake had devastated the country. Rumors began to circulate that the source of the outbreak was a base that housed United Nations peacekeeping troops from Nepal. Riots occurred in the city of Cap-Haïtien at least two people were killed, and flights carrying aid to the country were suspended. For years, the U.N. denied that its troops had brought cholera to Haiti, but it eventually admitted that the rumors were true. Since the outbreak began, eight hundred thousand Haitians have been sickened and nearly ten thousand have died.

Epidemics are, by their very nature, divisive. The neighbor you might, in better times, turn to for help becomes a possible source of infection. The rituals of daily life become opportunities for transmission the authorities enforcing quarantine become agents of oppression. Time and time again throughout history, people have blamed outsiders for outbreaks. (On occasion, as in the case of the U.N. peacekeeping troops, they’ve been right.) Snowden recounts the story of what happened to the Jews of Strasbourg during the Black Death. Local officials decided that they were responsible for the pestilence—they had, it was said, poisoned the wells—and offered them a choice: convert or die. Half opted for the former. On February 14, 1349, the rest “were rounded up, taken to the Jewish cemetery, and burned alive.” Pope Clement VI issued papal bulls pointing out that Jews, too, were dying from the plague, and that it wouldn’t make sense for them to poison themselves, but this doesn’t seem to have made much difference. In 1349, Jewish communities in Frankfurt, Mainz, and Cologne were wiped out. To escape the violence, Jews migrated en masse to Poland and Russia, permanently altering the demography of Europe.

Whenever disaster strikes, like right about now, it’s tempting to look to the past for guidance on what to do or, alternatively, what not to do. It has been almost fifteen hundred years since the Justinianic plague, and, what with plague, smallpox, cholera, influenza, polio, measles, malaria, and typhus, there are an epidemic number of epidemics to reflect on.


Pandemic

Meie toimetajad vaatavad teie esitatud teabe üle ja otsustavad, kas artiklit muuta.

Pandemic, outbreak of infectious disease that occurs over a wide geographical area and that is of high prevalence, generally affecting a significant proportion of the world’s population, usually over the course of several months. Pandemics arise from epidemics, which are outbreaks of disease confined to one part of the world, such as a single country. Pandemics, especially those involving influenza, sometimes occur in waves, so that a postpandemic phase, marked by decreased disease activity, may be followed by another period of high disease prevalence.

What is a pandemic?

A pandemic is an outbreak of infectious disease that occurs over a wide geographical area and that is of high prevalence. A pandemic generally affects a significant proportion of the world’s population, usually over the course of several months.

What have been some of the world’s deadliest pandemics?

Throughout history, there have been many deadly pandemics, but the Black Death and the influenza pandemic of 1918–19 rank among the most lethal. The Black Death, which ravaged Europe between 1347 and 1351 and likely was caused by plague, killed roughly 25 million people. The influenza pandemic of 1918–19, or “Spanish flu,” claimed an estimated 20–40 million lives.

What causes a pandemic?

Pandemics can be caused by several factors. For example, in some cases, a new strain or subtype of virus that first emerged in animals jumps to humans and then becomes readily transmissible between humans. In other instances, an existing disease-causing agent mutates, increasing its infectiousness.

How do pandemics end?

Pandemics typically slow and come to an end on their own, though the process may be accelerated through effective preventive strategies, such as improved personal hygiene or the development of a vaccine. Some pandemics, however, occur in waves, such that decreased disease activity may be followed by another period of high disease prevalence, thereby prolonging the outbreak.

Infectious diseases such as influenza can spread rapidly—sometimes in a matter of days—among humans living in different areas of the world. The spread of a disease is facilitated by several factors, including an increased degree of infectiousness of the disease-causing agent, human-to-human transmission of the disease, and modern means of transportation, such as air travel. The majority of highly infectious illnesses that occur in humans are caused by diseases that first arise in animals. Thus, when a new infectious agent or disease emerges in animals, surveillance organizations located within affected areas are responsible for alerting the World Health Organization (WHO) and for closely monitoring the behaviour of the infectious agent and the activity and spread of the disease. WHO constantly monitors disease activity on a global scale through a network of surveillance centres located in countries worldwide.

In the case of influenza, which is the disease that poses the greatest pandemic threat to humans, WHO has organized a pandemic preparedness plan that consists of six phases of pandemic alert, outlined as follows:

Phase 1: the lowest level of pandemic alert indicates that an influenza virus, either newly emerged or previously existing, is circulating among animals. The risk of transmission to humans is low.

Phase 2: isolated incidences of animal-to-human transmission of the virus are observed, indicating that the virus has pandemic potential.

Phase 3: characterized by small outbreaks of disease, generally resulting from multiple cases of animal-to-human transmission, though limited capacity for human-to-human transmission may be present.

Phase 4: confirmed human-to-human viral transmission that causes sustained disease in human communities. At this stage, containment of the virus is deemed impossible but a pandemic is not necessarily inevitable. The implementation of control methods to prevent further viral spread is emphasized in affected parts of the world.

Phase 5: marked by human-to-human disease transmission in two countries, indicating that a pandemic is imminent and that distribution of stockpiled drugs and execution of strategies to control the disease must be carried out with a sense of urgency.

Phase 6: characterized by widespread and sustained disease transmission among humans.

When WHO upgrades the level of a pandemic alert, such as from level 4 to level 5, it serves as a signal to countries worldwide to implement the appropriate predetermined disease-control strategies.

Throughout history, pandemics of diseases such as cholera, plague, and influenza have played a major role in shaping human civilizations. Examples of significant historical pandemics include the plague pandemic of the Byzantine Empire in the 6th century ce the Black Death, which originated in China and spread across Europe in the 14th century and the influenza pandemic of 1918–19, which originated in the U.S. state of Kansas and spread to Europe, Asia, and islands in the South Pacific. Although pandemics are typically characterized by their occurrence over a short span of time, today several infectious diseases persist at a high level of incidence, occur on a global scale, and can be transmitted between humans either directly or indirectly. Such diseases represented in modern pandemics include AIDS, caused by HIV (human immunodeficiency virus), which is transmitted directly between humans and malaria, caused by parasites in the genus Plasmodium, which are transmitted from one human to another by mosquitoes that feed on the blood of infected humans.

Influenza pandemics are estimated to occur roughly once every 50 years, though the actual pandemic interval has in some instances been shorter than this. For example, following the 1918–19 pandemic, there were two other 20th-century influenza pandemics: the 1957 Asian flu pandemic and the 1968 Hong Kong flu pandemic. The virus that caused the 1957 pandemic, which lasted until about the middle of 1958, was also responsible for a series of epidemics that emerged annually until 1968, when the Hong Kong flu appeared. The Hong Kong flu pandemic, which lasted until 1969–70, caused between one million and four million deaths. The next influenza pandemic occurred in 2009, when a subtype of H1N1 virus spread across multiple regions of the world. Between March 2009 and mid-January 2010, more than 14,140 laboratory-confirmed H1N1 deaths had been reported worldwide.

In March 2020 an ongoing outbreak of a novel coronavirus known as severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV2) was declared a pandemic by WHO officials. Infection with SARS-CoV2 produced an illness known as coronavirus disease 2019 ( COVID-19) the illness was characterized primarily by fever, cough, and shortness of breath. The outbreak began in late 2019 in Wuhan, China, when a patient with pneumonia of unknown cause was admitted to a local hospital. In the following weeks, the number of people infected with the novel virus grew rapidly in Wuhan, and the disease spread to other regions of China. By early 2020 COVID-19 had reached Europe and the United States, carried there by travelers coming from affected regions. By the time the outbreak was declared a pandemic, cases of COVID-19 had been detected in numerous countries worldwide, with about 130,000 confirmed cases and close to 5,000 deaths.


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Pandemics of Biblical Times

Classical Corner: The Antonine Plague and the Spread of Christianity

The Antonine Plague, described as similar to smallpox, may have killed as much as ten percent of the Roman population over a 23-year period in the late second century C.E. Aside from practical consequences of the outbreak, the destabilization of the Roman military and economy, the psychological impact must have been substantial. Ancient Romans must have felt fear and helplessness in the face of such a ruthless, and frequently fatal disease. It is not difficult to understand, then, the apparent shifts in religious practices that came about as a result of the Antonine Plague.

Justinian Plague Linked to the Black Death

The Justinian Plague, linked via bacterial research to the Black Death, claimed the lives of tens of millions of people in the 540s, and shaped world history for centuries to come. When Justinian’s troops had conquered nearly all of Italy and the Mediterranean coast, they were struck by plague and could not continue the conquest through Europe, ultimately losing much of the conquered territory after Justinian’s death. The Justinian Plague halved the European population and weakened the Byzantine Empire, making it vulnerable to the Arab conquests of the seventh century.

The Cyprian Plague

Between about 250 and 271 C.E., a plague—now known as the Cyprian Plague—swept across Egypt and the rest of the Roman Empire, reportedly claiming more than 5,000 victims a day in Rome alone. Researchers believe they have uncovered the burial site of the Theban plague victims.

Ancient Medicine

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